THE

FOUNDATION, PROGRESS AND PRINCIPLES

of the

WASHINGTON

TEMPERANCE SOCIETY

of BALTIMORE,

and

THE INFLUENCE IT HAS HAD ON THE TEMPERANCE

MOVEMENTS IN THE UNITED STATES.

By a Member of the Society

"I regard the origin of the Washington Temperance Society

of Baltimore as the most important event in the history of

the great Temperance movement."

Hon. George N. Briggs.

BALTIMORE

PRINTED BY JOHN D. TROY

1842

DEDICATION

TO

WILLIAM K. MITCHELL, JOHN F. HOSS,

DAVID ANDERSON, GEORGE STEARS,

ARCHIBALD CAMPBELL, JAMES M'CURLEY,

THE

FOUNDERS

OF THE

WASHINGTON TEMPERANCE SOCIETY

OF BALTIMORE

THESE PAGES ARE MOST RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED

BY THE AUTHOR.

ENTERED, according to the Act of Congress, in the
year one thousand eight hundred and forty-two, by
John Zug, in the Clerk's Office of the District
Court of Maryland.

PREFACE

The author of the following pages has had no experience in "book- making," and this, his first effort has been made during the few leisure hours, which could be found amid the duties of a laborious profession. This little volume is therefore recommended to the public, not so much on account of its merits as a composition, as for the intrinsic importance of the facts stated, and the principles developed in it. The immediate object in view is to convey correct information; the ultimate motive is to do good.

This volume was written with the design, not only of accurately informing the public of the origin of the recent revival of Temperance throughout the United States, but also of setting forth definitely the foundation and principles of the "Washington Temperance Society" of Baltimore, with which this revival mainly originated.

A new era has dawned upon the Temperance cause. A moral revolution, in the form of the reformation of thousands of drunkards, is now sweeping over the United States like a whirlwind. It meets with little opposition. All see, and few will not admit, that it is founded in right and truth. Thousands of the most abandoned drunkards are being reclaimed from their habits, and are taking their proper stations, as good and useful members of the community. Reformed men are visiting the different sections of the country, under the designation and office of "Temperance Missionaries," - men who have themselves been but recently reclaimed from intemperance, and who are now devoting their time, and using their influence, to rescue others from their degradation, to the same position of safety, which they themselves now occupy.

All these extraordinary movements are but the developments of a system established in Baltimore two years ago, and have had their beginning in the Washington Temperance Society of this city. To trace the foundation, progress and principles of this society, is the design of the following pages.

The Author.

Baltimore, April 5th, 1842.

WASHINGTON PLEDGE

"We, whose names are annexed, desirous of forming a society
for our natural benefit, and to guard against a pernicious practice,
which is injurious to our health, standing and families - we do
pledge ourselves as gentlemen, not to drink any spirituous or malt
liquors, wine or cider."

THE

FOUNDATION, PROGRESS AND PRINCIPLES

OF THE

WASHINGTON TEMPERANCE SOCIETY

OF BALTIMORE

CHAPTER I

FOUNDATION OF THE SOCIETY

The 5th of April, 1840, was an eventful day. Influences were set at work then, which have been developing and extending ever since, and which promise to accomplish much for the good of mankind. On the evening of that day, half a dozen men met in the bar-room of a tavern in Baltimore. They had often met there before, spent their hours in friendly converse, and mingled in the mutual drowning of care in the bowl. It was a place of usual resort to them. And now they had met there as before, to drink together from the poisonous cup, to which they were all too much addicted. Without having become outcasts or sots, they had all confessedly suffered severely from the frequent and intemperate use of intoxicating drinks, - suffered in their health, suffered in their estates, suffered in their families, their habits, their feelings and their reputation.

But though these were plain men, they were men of unusual energy. It is true that alcohol had made its ravages on their characters, their minds, and their hearts. But the energy of manhood still survived. They were the victims, rather than merely the votaries of the pleasures of the bowl. They were in business, and five of them had families. They cared for their business and loved their families. They had all started out in life when young, with the hopes which usually beat high in the hearts of youth in every branch of business, or situation in life, when first entering upon the world. For a time they ran well. Business was fair. Friends were not few. They had married, and were happy.

Had any man told either of them at eighteen, nineteen, or twenty years of age, that twenty-five or thirty would find them drunkards, - that, like thousands around them, they would suffer from the poison of the serpent, and the sting of the adder in the cup, they would have laughed the insinuation to scorn, and honestly too. They never dreamed then of being drunkards. They drank moderately, and freely too. The habits of society at that time, - of all classes of society, even religious, sanctioned the free use of alcoholic drinks; and they went with the multitude never for a moment thinking of evil. But the love of drink particularly of the "social glass," grew upon them gradually and insensibly, until habit was fixed and appetite strong; and ere they had suspected it, they found themselves in the power of a monster, bound hand and foot in chains, - the slaves of their own appetites. And now they frequented the public taverns; and oft at night, or during the day, and even on the Sabbath, instead of being at their business, or with their families, or at church, they were to be found at the Hotel or Grogshop. They knew it was wrong. They saw the evil; they felt it; they lamented it; and times without number did they promise wife and friend and self, that they would drink no more. They were sincere. They meant to be sober. But at some fatal hour they would take one glass again, "just one glass;" and they found themselves as powerless and debased as ever.

It was on the evening of the day on which we have introduced them to the reader, that these six men were once more together at the tavern. Their families were forsaken at home. Their business for the day was done. But neither was entirely forgotten. The bar with its temptations was near them. Their habits were to contend with. And the cravings of an unnatural appetite within were against all good resolves. But these men had not lost all their principle, their energy, or their feeling. They looked to their homes, and they saw that much of domestic bliss, which should gather round the fireside, was banished by the inebriating cup. They looked to their business, and they knew they had suffered there. They counted the cost, and they were astonished at the amount of money they threw away in visiting the dram-shop. They looked back to the days of their youth, when with free hearts and bounding hopes, they had leaped into life, and had looked forward into the future never dreaming of such a slavery. They looked to their reputation, their influence, their health, their feelings, and their energy of character; and they felt that they would lose all these, if they prosecuted much longer the way in which they were hurrying down to death. They looked into the future, and all was clouds and darkness. They deliberately weighed the movement about to be made; and then rising in the energy of their still surviving manhood, they resolved that hour they would drink no more of the poisonous draught forever; and that to carry out their resolutions, they would form a society with a pledge to that effect, and bind themselves under it to each other for life.

This is no fancy sketch. The circumstances have often been stated by the founders of the society, just as we have detailed them. We do not pretend to say, that the feelings and reflections above stated were matters of grave deliberation and discussion among them. The movement had more of a spontaneous character, and was at once and rather impulsively approved as soon as suggested. But these were the silent meditations and reflections, which were working in each individual breast, so that it needed but that the proper chord should be touched, under the circumstances, and their hearts all vibrated together: the matter needed but a proposal to meet the approbation of all. It should also be remarked that the idea of reformation had been suggested among them at a former meeting, but no conclusion had been arrived at, as to either the certainty or the manner of the accomplishment of their purpose.

And now the deed was done. A constitution was agreed upon; and as the movement was a great and important one, a great name was proposed to be affixed as the title of the society. It was adopted. And this was the foundation of the Washington Temperance Society of Baltimore.

From the character of the deed itself, and the extraordinary results, which have proceeded and are yet proceeding from it, justice requires that the names of the founders of this association should be recorded, that they may be handed down in all the future annals of the Temperance cause. William K. Mitchell, John F. Loss, David Anderson, George Stears, Archibald Campbell and James McCurley were the "original six," who founded the Washington Temperance Society of Baltimore, and of course the originators of that new system of Temperance operations, which has of late attracted the attention of the country.

Previous to the evening on which the society was formed, we have intimated that the subject of reformation had been in contemplation among them for several days. When the adoption of a society and pledge was proposed, several difficulties were in the way of their successful organization. These difficulties were mainly the apprehensions of evil influences being introduced into the action of the society, to divert them from their simple purpose, if, as might be, the society should ever become efficient and numerous.

Upon suggestion therefore it was resolved among themselves, that they would place the temperance cause, so far as they were concerned, in the position of a unit: that the society, as such, was to recognize no creed of religion, nor party in politics; and that neither political nor religious action of any kind, should ever be introduced into the society's operations. Personal abstinence from all intoxicating drinks was to be the basis, and only requisite of membership. Moral suasion was to be the only means by which they, as a body, were to induce others to adopt their principles. As a society, their whole business was to induce others not to drink intoxicating liquors. They would thus be less likely to excite the suspicions or prejudices of any class of men, and have free access to all; this would render Temperance a simple principle of personal abstinence. It would be, in the language of Father Matthew, "a green spot in the desert of life, where all could meet in peace and harmony."

Moreover they determined that the regular meetings of the society should be meetings for the detail of personal experience, and not for debates, lectures and speeches; that even on matters of necessary business, as few remarks as possible only would be tolerated. Thus all temperance addresses were to be in the form of the individual experience of the several members. The spirit of this rule and common sense were to guide them how far any should be allowed to go in his remarks. The society was thus based on facts, and not on an abstraction, and the principle of common honesty was to direct them in all their movements.

These difficulties being out of the way - the society being now organized, and the constitution and pledge adopted and signed, the founders resolved to hold weekly experience meetings for their own encouragement and benefit, and for the good of others who might be induced to attend.

CHAPTER II

PROGRESS AND INFLUENCE OF THE SOCIETY

Immediately after the organization of the society, the several members went privately to their friends, especially their former drinking associates, and persuaded them in the spirit of kindness, to abandon strong drink, and join the society. To every excuse and plea that they could not reform, they would reply by referring to their own experience. And they generally clung to a man until they had persuaded him to give up the bottle forever, or at least to go with them to the next meeting of their society. When such was the condition or promise, true to his man, each member on the evening of meeting, instead of going alone and waiting for his friend, would go to his house, or to the Grogshop, and, if necessary, lead him by the arm away from the bar, and conduct him in person to the meeting. This has often been done. When the individual was once within their hall, they regarded him as a easy convert. The experience of others who had been like him, and the good influences set to work upon him, soon led him to feel, think and act aright. Such exertions, judiciously made in the spirit of kindness, have rarely failed of entire success.

In the course of some months, the society gradually increased in numbers and interest. The aggressive principle, or missionary spirit, once at work, grew and spread with the growth and extension of the society. In the meantime, the members had the benefit of several months' experience in the use of cold water. They began to feel better, to look better, and in every respect to be satisfied with the change in their habits. As some of them expressed it: "They were just waking up from a long sleep of many years, and now only beginning to live." The "experiences" of the members were now more and more interesting, and began to attract somewhat the attention of the public; and through their influence many of the most desperate and hopeless subjects of intemperance were redeemed. By the truly Samaritan conduct of these sacrificing men, many a poor inebriate, whose friends had long given him over as beyond the reach of hope, was rescued from his chains, and elevated from the depths of degradation, to which strong drink had reduced him. Each of these was not only a new experience man, but virtually another missionary.

In six months after its formation, the society numbered eighty or ninety, many of whom were reformed drunkards. And no man could attend their meetings, as the author then first did without seeing that there was a spirit among them which would not die - a principle which would diffuse itself abroad in the community, and pour the richest blessings on the heads of many a family in Baltimore; - and even spread to the farthest borders of the land. As yet, however, their meetings were held in their own private hall, which they had rented for the purpose. The citizens did not generally know of the movement; and such as did, hardly had confidence in the permanency of the reformations.

In November, 1840, their first public meeting was held in the Masonic Hall, which was crowded on the occasion. As this was their first public effort however, and as the object was rather intended to be an introduction to the public, very little experience was given. In addition to these remarks made by gentlemen invited to address the meeting, the President simply stated the principles of the society, that they might be understood by the community. Not long after this another public meeting was called in one of the churches of the city, on which occasion several of the members of the society publicly told their tale of woe and warning, counsel and advice, and with thrilling effect. Numbers were induced to sign the pledge; many of them victims of intemperance. And in the bosom of the society they found a home, and friends to counsel and defend them.

Frequent public experience meetings now followed, and were continued week after week during the entire winter. Public attention was now fully arrested. The meetings, though held in the largest churches of the city, were crowded to excess. Every family that had a poor miserable inebriate connected with it, hailed with joy and hope the influence which this society was exerting in reforming the intemperate, and used every exertion to induce such persons to attend the meetings of the Washington Society, and sign the pledge. And many a good-hearted, yea, noble-hearted man, who had long found the chains of appetite galling to him, and had often wished and tried in vain to shake them off, now went to this society, signed the pledge, and found him-self a free man. Many reformed, whose friends and the community had long since given them over as irrecoverable, - many even from the lowest depths of disgrace and reproach. Some were almost literally dug up out of the earth, - who had not only been abandoned as beyond hope, but who had been forgotten by their early friends, or reckoned among the dead. Many such were brought out of their hiding-places, and to the surprise of their friends, soon after their reformation, they were found "clothed and in their right mind," and prepared to occupy that position in society, which they had forfeited only by dissipation. Insomuch that the society was familiarly known by the expressive title of the "Resurrection Society."

The society was now increasing in numbers so fast, that their regular place of meeting was becoming too small to accommodate them all. A division was contemplated. But it was at length resolved, the branches should be formed in the various sections of the city; this was accordingly done. In the meantime other societies began to spring up in the city, on the same general principles with the Washington; some auxiliary, and others independent. All of these societies under their present organization, (with two or three exceptions,) owe their origin directly or indirectly to the influence of the parent Washington Society, and have borrowed most of their features, as well as obtained most of their life from it. Many of these associations have been very prosperous, and have done incalculable good in reclaiming the intemperate, confirming the temperate, and advancing the common cause. If our assigned limits would allow, it would afford us pleasure to make honourable mention of some of these societies; but as it is, we can not go into any detail respecting them. We hail them as fellow-labourers in a common cause, take them by the hand, and bid them "God speed." We call upon them to rival us in good works, and in adhering to first principles, - and then our motto is: "We be brethren; let us not fall out by the way."

It should be observed that most of the Temperance societies, in existence in this city previous to the formation of the Washington, have either been remodelled or discontinued, and their places filled up by more energetic ones. Many of the societies admit only of grown men as members; but there are others connected with the various churches, or composed entirely of female or youth, where such may join as choose to do so.

CHAPTER III

MISSIONARIES.

In the progress of time, the news of our doings in Baltimore had gone abroad. The friends of Temperance in other sections of the country, by means of the Maryland Temperance Herald, the city papers generally, and private and published letters, had heard of our extraordinary operations, and were looking with hope to the spread of that flame, which had been first kindled among us. By several letters written to individuals in New York, which were published in the daily, as well as Temperance press of that city; and subsequently by the statements made at a public meeting there by a citizen of Baltimore, the New York Temperance Society was led to write to the Washington Society for a delegation of her reformed men, who might go on to that city, and by relating their experience, give a new impulse to the cause, and awaken a fresh interest among them; and especially that they might reach those, who hitherto had been almost beyond their influence - the drunkards.

Accordingly in March, 1841, a delegation, consisting of Messrs. Hawkins, Casey, Pollard, Shaw, and subsequently President Mitchell himself, went to New York, and the abundant and glorious success with which they met, is a matter of public history. Thousands flocked to the meetings held on the occasion in the largest churches in the city. In the space of several weeks, hundreds of the most debased and unfortunate drunkards were reformed, and an impulse given to the cause there, which has not died or diminished; nor is it likely to do so soon. There the second Washington Temperance Society was formed on the model of the first; and under the presidency of Captain Wisdom and his zealous compeers, they have reaped the same glorious harvest, which we were reaping before them. The recent splendid Temperance Procession in New York has shown the country that the cause is still onward there as elsewhere.

The 5th of April, 1841, the anniversary of the formation of the original Washington Society, was celebrated in Baltimore by a grand Procession. This Procession was admitted by all to have been one of the most splendid affairs ever witnessed in Baltimore. It was estimated that at least six or eight thousand persons were in the ranks. The Procession moved through the principal streets of the city, with bands of music, and numerous magnificent banners, and countless badges - with at least fifty mounted marshals, besides hundreds of marshals on foot, with their various insignia. One of the 'original six,' Captain John F. Loss, was the Chief Marshal of the day. President William K. Mitchell and the remaining four, in company with distinguished strangers, and the orator and chaplains of the day, rode in open barouches drawn each by four grey horses. It was a proud and happy day to many a heart, and many a family ; and will be remembered by the citizens of Baltimore, as one of the greatest days ever celebrated in this city.

This celebration and procession, as well as the unexampled success of our delegates in New York, produced a deep impression on the public mind of the country. It was evident that a moral revolution was beginning to work, and all eyes were now directed to the Washington Temperance Society of Baltimore, as the centre of all its operations. Missionaries were now applied for from almost every quarter of the land, and the Missionary operations of the society began to be developed on a large scale. Messrs. Hawkins and Wright in New England, and the Eastern and Middle States generally - Pollard and Wright in New York - Vickers in the valley of the Ohio - Carey, Stansbury, Morrison, Mules and Michael in various parts of Pennsylvania and Maryland - Carey in North and South Carolina - Michael in Virginia, with numerous others, have engraven their memories on the hearts of many redeemed and disenthralled men. By their influence tens of thousands, yea, we may say hundreds of thousands, have been induced to sign the pledge - many of them the most unhappy inebriates.

Even now, while we write, our Missionaries are in the field in the North, in the South, in the East, and in the West. Everywhere the labors of these Reformed Reformers have been crowned with the most abundant and glorious success. And still "the work goes bravely on." Washington Temperance Societies are springing up all over the land. The right spirit is at work, and it must develop good. Truth in the hands of honest and energetic men will have sway. The fire has begun to spread. May Heaven grant energy and speed to the flames, that they may spread all over the land, to every city, town, hamlet and family; until intemperance, and all its concomitant evils, be banished from our borders.

CHAPTER IV

THE TEMPERANCE CAUSE BEFORE

We pause here for a moment to look back upon the past. Let us place ourselves back in the Spring of 1840. The Temperance cause had been for some twelve or fifteen years in successful operation. And though errors have doubtlessly been committed in the beginning of the reform, experience had taught wisdom; and "Total Abstinence" had now been for several years the motto of most of those, who professed to be real temperance men. The inconsistency and inefficiency of the old pledge had been proved. Under the new and comprehensive pledge much good had been done, much evil had been prevented; and even many drunkards had been reformed, at different times during the progress of the cause. In general however the exertions of temperance men had been rather preventive, than directly reforming. Indeed it cannot be denied, that many of the honest friends of the cause, despaired of reforming those who were confirmed in habits of intemperance. Their doctrine was : "Let us secure the sober and the youth of this generation, and when the present race of confirmed drunkards shall have passed into their graves, we shall have an entire generation of temperate, cold-water men." This, it is true, was a cold and hard calculation, but we believe it was an honest one with many. Nevertheless some few did entertain and argue the possibility of any and every drunkard's reformation, on the simple and only principle of entire abstinence. But the great difficulty was, they had no access to the victim of drink; they understood not how to reach his sympathies, and bid him be a man.

Far be it from us to cast any reproach or censure upon the old Temperance men, or deprive them of one merited laurel. Much, very much had been done previous to this recent extraordinary revival of the cause. They have proved by statistics the great and astounding evils of intemperance, in reference to the pauperism and crime of the country. They were not only shown that alcoholic drinks were unnecessary, but proved them to be absolutely poisonous, and of course destructive. The manufacture and traffic had been greatly diminished in some places, and in others almost abandoned. In thousands and tens of thousands of families, the bottle had been banished from the cupboard, and both from the table. Instead of the universal use of alcoholic drinks by old and young, male and female, religious and irreligious, hundreds of thousands had signed the total abstinence pledge; and of course, so far as they were consistent, these were safe from the possibility of becoming drunkards. Numerous vessels on our seas, bays and rivers, sailed on strictly Temperance principles. Thousands of men of business had ceased to give liquor to those in their employ. Many farmers had gathered in their harvests, without one drop of alcohol being distributed in the fields. The grog-rations had been abolished in the army. Many drunkards had been saved. In a word, much good had been done, and much evil prevented.

In this reform many of the ablest and best men were engaged. In Maryland, through the zealous and self-sacrificing labors of a few men, much had been done. And though others have merited praise, we can not, in giving a fair history of the past, fail to refer to the zeal and perseverance of one man, who for years has stood foremost in the front ranks of the Temperance men of his State. Than this man, the cause has not had a more devoted, ardent and constant friend. His time, his talents, his counsel, his purse, his pen, and his voice have all been for years disinterestedly bestowed upon the welfare of his City and State, in the promotion of this great reform. He had faith in it, when even his friends hardly presumed to hope. He weathered the storm sometime almost alone, and rested in hope of a brighter day. And now he has the satisfaction of seeing the day, when few men do not admit that he was correct, at least in his general principles. Many of those, who once ridiculed or hated him, have come into his general measures, and now regard him in his true light, as an ardent and devoted philanthropist. No man, at least in Maryland, can fail to anticipate us in saying, that this man is CHRISTIAN KEENER.

But notwithstanding much had been done, much remained to be done. Especially had the efforts of temperance men been rather directed to prevent than to cure. They seemed to have no access to those, who most of all needed aid and counsel - the unfortunate victims of the curse of drunkenness. Very little systematic effort was made to reclaim them. The fact is, the poor drunkard was regarded as an object of contempt, of denunciation, or of ridicule, rather than an object of sympathy. He was looked upon as a wicked man, rather than as a weak man. When he did form the theme of the deliberations and speeches of the old Temperance men, it was often only by way of exciting the ridicule or the indignation of the audience against him. Instead of being regarded as an unfortunate brother, the victim of violent passions and appetites, he was too often presented and regarded as a monster too degraded or two heinous to excite our sympathies. To these opinions, and to this course there were honorable exceptions. But it cannot be denied, that the tendency was rather to drive away the drunkard, than to seek him out and reform him.

Moreover it is questionable whether the cause was not retarded in its influence upon the mass of the world, by at least a seeming connection with politics on the one hand, and the church on the other. We refer to the systematic efforts made by many Temperance societies, to bring about changes in the laws, and often by the influence of the polls - and those changes too intended to affect long established usages and supposed rights. Again, most of the Temperance societies were identified, in name or otherwise, with some church or other; Temperance speeches too often partook of the nature of sermons, or general lectures on morals, which however much they might influence the conscientious part of the community, it is not to be expected that the intemperate would be influenced by such operations. And then again, the same pledge, which was to reform a man from drunkenness, required him not only to have no connection with the manufacture or sale of intoxicating liquors, but frequently also to proscribe those who had this connection, by refusing a business intercourse with them. Thus prejudices were excited against the Temperance Reform on all sides, from the drunkard, the dealer and his friends. Now the author has no design to defend either the manufacture or traffic. He himself had signed such a pledge as is here spoken of, and still abides by it; and he is not prepared to say, that he would have all such societies and pledges abolished. But it can not be a question, whether with such instrumentalities we are as likely to reach the intemperate drinker and trafficker, as by a system, the only requisite of which is to abstain personally.

In addition to this, there was a general lethargy on the part of the Temperance societies of this State and elsewhere. A recent number of the "Temperance Herald," speaking of the period to which we refer, says: "A short time since, and the cause of Temperance seemed almost naked of support. Those who had been its warm advocates, by that time had nearly all departed, and one by one had left it."

These then were the circumstances, under which this wonderful and glorious revival of the Temperance cause, was ushered upon the world; and now what, in two years, have been the results!

CHAPTER V.

RESULTS

If the amount of good done by this recent reformation was to be estimated only in dollars and cents - in property saved and property gained - then something of a calculation might perhaps be made of its benefits. But while it has blessed thousands, by supplying the comforts of life, where they were wanting before, it has filled thousands of households with joy, and given peace and contentment to many a weary, burdened and distracted heart. These are blessings which no measures can estimate, no calculations compute. Many a family fireside has been made thrice joyous and happy, the abode of peace and plenty, where once the "household gods were shivered on the hearth," and Poverty and Misery sat in ghastly forms. Hard-drinking men, whose only fault, in the eyes of the world, was that they "would drink," have been led to abandon their cups entirely; and the perfect renewal of their comfort, tempers and feelings, has been a matter of astonishment even to themselves. Many of the most abandoned and outcast of the intemperate have been rescued literally from "wretchedness and rags," restored to their friends and society, and now promise to become good and useful members of the community.

Oh! could you enter into the deep-feeling heart of the reformed, and read the thoughts and sensations written there, you would find enough to compensate for all the toil and care bestowed upon this enterprise, from its commencement until this hour. How oft had he struggled with his habits and appetites, and vowed to drink no more, - kept his promise for a day, a week or perhaps a month, and then fallen again as deep as ever. At last despair had well nigh taken possession of his soul, - and drowned in drink, he forgot for a time all his former feelings, and hopes, and vows. Wretchedness perhaps followed him day and night, except when so steeped in poison, that he had no feeling left. His self-respect almost gone - ashamed to meet those he knew - despised - cast off perhaps by his own family - he is met by some kind Washingtonian, who, like a friend, takes him by the hand, and soon wins him into his confidence, and conducts him to a meeting, where in hearing the experience of others, he learns that he too may be a sober and a free man, - and summoning all the energy of his almost expiring manhood, he signs the pledge. And though with throbbing heart and trembling hand he seizes the pen, yet no sooner has his name been finished, and the pen dropped from his hand, than he feels as though the burden of a mountain were rolled off his heart. His word, his honor, have now passed; and he finds himself not standing alone on an individual promise, or a vow to his own heart; but pledged to and with his fellows, who now welcome him to their circle, take him by the hand, and endeavour to encourage and support him in this effort to be free. Now every thing tends to strengthen him in his purpose; and hand to hand, and heart to heart with his compeers. he feels himself delivered from the most galling slavery that ever enchained the body and the mind. Oh! who can tell the drunkard's joy, when he feels that he is a drunkard now no more forever. And when he has been sobered for a while, and has had time to reflect, he finds new joys daily springing up around him on every hand. When he looks to his home, now so changed, or meets the countenances of his family, now so differently fixed upon him, as he returns noon and night from business or labor, joys spring up in his heart, he had never known before - no, not even before he had been a drunkard.

But these are blessings which cannot be estimated. The restoration of a single drunkard is, so far as he is concerned, the removal of all those ills, which cling to the victims of the "damming bowl." What then must be the change, when hundreds and thousands, and tens of thousands reform!

In fine on this head, by way of stating the general results of this extraordinary moral revolution, we would simply remark: that vigorous and flourishing Washington Societies have been organized not only in all parts of the state of Maryland, but also over the New England, Middle, Southern and Western States. Several hundred thousands have voluntarily pledged themselves against the use of all intoxicating drinks. From fifty one hundred thousand drunkards at least have been reclaimed. From a recent statistical report, it appears that there are two hundred and fifty thousand Washingtonians in the single state of Ohio. Missionaries are now laboring in the North, East, South and West; and who shall presume to say where this work shall cease? An impetus has been given to the cause, such as has never been known before in this country, and such as promises not soon to die.

Some new principles and modes of operation have been developed, which have particularly characterized this movement from its commencement. Some of these are merely the stronger developments of old features. For others we claim originality for the Washington Society. And that our true principles may be clearly understood, we pray the reader's attention to the next chapter.

CHAPTER VI.

PRINCIPLES OF THE WASHINGTON SOCIETY

EXPERIENCE

We have already intimated that experience was clearly the groundwork of the operations of this society. We also mentioned some reasons why this course was adopted. Heretofore the appeals of the friends of temperance were, as a general thing, directed to the moderate drinker, or the strictly temperate. Efforts were made rather to prevent men from becoming intemperate, than to reform them from intemperance. Many doubted the possibility of the reformation of the drunkard; and even those who did not, made but little effort to rescue him. The addresses made at temperance meetings, were rather of a tendency to drive away the drinking man, and those engaged in the manufacture and traffic in intoxicating liquors. And even if the ridicule or denunciation of drunkenness did not constitute the burden of the temperance speeches, mere general lectures on moral duty however just in themselves, were not likely to reach the man, whose mind was beclouded, and whose heart was seared by strong drink. It was of little avail to argue with him of the moral obligation of setting a good example - of the operation of Christian charity, in inducing a willingness to make sacrifices for our own good, and the good of others - to prove that the Bible sanctioned neither drunkenness, nor even the moderate use of alcoholic drinks - to present to him the chemical and physiological view of the question, and show him that alcohol was poison, &c. &c. He cared not for these things. Nay more, you could not induce him to listen to them. Even a calculation of the expenses of intemperance, or a graphic description of the drunkard and the drunkard's home, had too little effect on him, as they were made from observation rather than from experience; and too often were the result of a mere speech-making spirit, coming from the head rather than the heart.

It must be admitted, however, that efforts were made by some of the ardent friends of the cause, to enlist the sympathies of the unfortunate, win their confidence, and lead them to the signature of the pledge. And not a few had been recovered since the commencement of the reform. But after all, it cannot be denied that the Temperance men of former times, as a general rule, had no access to the drunkard, or to those connected with the manufacture and sale of alcohol.

The difficulty then was, either that the drunkard would not go near a temperance meeting; or, if he did attend, he was likely to be either held up to ridicule, or denounced, or perhaps turned out of doors. Too often he would hear that which he could not appreciate, or which was calculated to embitter him the more against the cause. Mere general lectures on any subject, and more particularly on the subject of drinking, fall unheeded on the ear of the intemperate man. And you steel against yourself all his confidence and sympathies, if you either scold, mock or denounce him for his intemperance. He feels conscious within himself that he is deserving of sympathy, rather than ridicule or denunciation - that he is not so much the willing votary, as the unwilling slave and victim of an unnatural appetite - that he drinks not so much because he is wicked, as because he is weak. He became a drunkard unintentionally, wrongly it is true, yet still unintentionally; he will not defend himself; but he knows and feels that drunkenness with him is rather a disease than a vice. And the cold scorn or ridicule of the world, can have but a bad effect on such a man; it is calculated to drive him to madness and despair by drinking deeper of the cup, that he may forget his degradation; or to embitter his heart against all the alleged sympathies of his fellow men.

There were other difficulties in the way: as for instance, the impression that the Temperance reformation was a 'Church movement,' and that the pledge required more than the abandonment of the personal use of alcohol. On these points we shall remark in their proper places.

There is yet another view: there are dishonest men everywhere, hypocrites in every association; and no enterprise is so righteous, but that designing men, from corrupt and selfish motives, will embrace it, and use their influence in its promotion. Even the Church has not escaped this contamination. No enterprise perhaps had been more injured in this respect than the Temperance cause. It has too often been made a hobby by designing men, seeking popularity and influence - ambitious, aspiring men - broken-down politicians - religious hypocrites - mere babblers, who wished to gain the reputation of speech-makers, by riding the Temperance hobby. From the influence of such men, in one garb or other, this good cause has been much retarded.

In order then to avoid all these difficulties mentioned, and be rid of these hobby-riders, the Washington Temperance Society was founded on the principle, that the statement of personal experience should be substituted for debates, lectures and speeches in their meetings, while the only requisite to membership should be personal abstinence. This at once placed them in a single and invulnerable attitude, and not one of warfare against any man, or

class of men. No man could be offended, or find fault. It attacked or excited no man's prejudices. It rendered the reform, so far as they were concerned, a simple unit, and that unit principle was the simple idea of personal abstinence. Behind that, they made no further inquiries. By means of their experience meetings, they at once reached the cases of many of the most unfortunate inebriates. They not only could induce them to attend their meetings; but when there, they interested their feelings, excited their sympathies, by details of their own personal experience; and proved to them that they could reform, by setting before them living examples.

It can not be denied, that the most eloquent and glowing speech on a matter abstract from the speaker, no matter how deeply it concerns us, is less powerful, than a simple, honest statement of a man's own experience on the same subject, however unlearned may be the man who gives the experience. Such a one speaks the thoughts and feelings written. it may be in fire, on his own heart; and they reach the hearts of his hearers. The difference is as great as that between mere abstract theory and practice. The principle is an admitted one in human nature. How much more influence then has the man, who stands before an audience to persuade them to abandon the use of strong drink, when he can himself tell them of its ruinous and blasting effects on his own life and character - trace the progress of his own habits of intemperance, - and warn others to avoid the rock on which he split. A reformed man has the best access to a drunkard's mind and heart, because he best knows, and can enter into all a drunkard's feelings. And such appeals from such sources, properly directed, can rarely fail of entire success.

It should perhaps be remarked here that there is some limitation to this general rule of the society, in reference to experience speeches. There are many staunch friends of the Temperance cause, who have never been so unfortunate as to be victims of intemperance. We would not close their mouths, nor preclude them from usefulness. On the contrary, when there is occasion, at the regular or special meetings of the society, permission to speak has been given, by common consent, to such friends of the cause, as are known to understand the true principles of the society, and to be prudent and successful speakers. Hence such persons have frequently been heard, and most enthusiastically received by the Washington Society. The rule was adopted not only with the design of having the benefit of experience, spoken in burning words from the heart; but also to close the mouths of designing men - mere talkers - men lacking either common sense on the one hand, or common honesty on the other. No sensible man, honest in his motives, has ever been precluded the opportunity of communicating directly with the society.

We have been charged as a society with advancing the notion, that no good was ever accomplished in this cause before we did it; and that no person is a suitable Temperance speaker, unless he is a reformed drunkard. The charge is without foundation. We have been greatly misunderstood, and doubtless greatly misrepresented. For individual opinions, casually expressed, the society is not accountable. Our true doctrine is: that to operate on the intemperate, experience speakers are the best; and indeed if a sufficient number of them can be obtained, of proper sense and character, let them do most, if not all, the labour of speaking, especially where the object is, solely or in part, directly to influence the intemperate. Moreover, let them for their own encouragement, and in order to reach others, fill the offices, and control the affairs of the societies, as much as possible. The true and honest friends of the cause understand this, and hence, wherever it has been practicable, they have stood aside, and given place to proper persons among the reformed men, thus placing them as high as possible, that they may exert the more influence on others. We do not hold, that everyman who has had the misfortune to have been a drunkard, is fit to be either an officer of a Temperance society, or an experience speaker, as soon as he has been reformed. He should have common sense and common honesty, and this is all about the qualification he needs, except it be some capacity to express himself readily. But there are drunkards, and reformed men, as well as sober men, who may lack one or both of these qualifications; and such men of course are not to have, indeed they cannot have, any influence in this cause. We stand upon common honesty in this matter.

If then, in any place there be not reformed men enough, or not of the proper stamp, to take the most prominent parts in this enterprise, let the true friends of the cause, who have not suffered, act and that with all their might. We do not exclude them. And even where there are reformed men in abundance, all true disinterested friends of the cause have work to do in both counsel and labour, and we give them the right hand of the fellowship in this matter. There are places and circumstances, where it may be judicious to merge all the Temperance movements in the Washington system; there are other circumstances, which may make it judicious and necessary for the old Temperance men to retain their organization; and others again, where it may be best to have every kind of instrumentality at work at the same time. In Baltimore, so far from the opposite being of the case, the reformed men and the old friends of the cause, frequently labour side by side at public meetings in the city, as well as in visiting the surrounding country to advance the common cause. There should be perfect harmony among all true disinterested friends of this common enterprise.

Again, we have been represented as holding that clergymen should not take any part in the Temperance cause. This is no doctrine of ours. Let them in their pulpits or elsewhere say as much in favour of Temperance as they please or can. Ministers of the Gospel have, on more than one occasion, addressed the Washington Society. But when they come among us, we want not sermons but COLDWATER SPEECHES. Let them lay aside their pontificals, and talk to us as MEN, not as preachers. This is not a DISTINCTION without a DIFFERENCE. Why should religious men, whether preachers are not, introduce their religion into all their discourses? Religious men can address a political, agricultural or literary meeting, and confine themselves solely to these matters, without lugging in their religious tenets at ever corner. Why not on the Temperance question? We have had men address us, in whose piety all men had confidence, and yet the burden of their remarks was Temperance, - cold-water, and they did not once introduce foreign matters, in which they might be certain their audience did not think alike. These are the kind of speeches that are acceptable to the Washington Society, because they are in point.

Let it not be forgotten, that where it can be had, it is better to have experience the burden of the Temperance speaking that is done. The Washington Society have had no occasion to regret the adoption of this wise and salutary provision. Thousands of unfortunate drunkards have been saved by hearing the experience of others, who never would have been saved by a mere sermon or address on Temperance, however eloquent. In the same way thousands more will be reformed.

THE MISSIONARY SPIRIT

Early in the history of the Washington Society, indeed in its very inception, was developed that feature, which has since given it such a commanding position, and so salutary an influence in the country. We refer to its missionary spirit. This is exhibited not merely in the exertions of those who have gone abroad on missions to various parts of the country; but, in one sense, every member of the society is, or ought to be a missionary. One of the many excellent mottoes of President Mitchell, was expressed and acted on from the beginning: "Let every man be present, and every man bring a man." Immediately after the foundation of the society, the "original six" went privately to their friends, especially their former drinking associates, and endeavoured to persuade them to sign the pledge with them. At all events they used their influence to bring them to the society's meetings. By this personal effort the drinking acquaintances of most of the reformed men in the society have been reclaimed. Men have gone into bar-rooms and led their friends away from the bottle by the arm, and persuaded them to accompany them to their meetings. Even the tavern-keeper himself has thus been taken from his bar by his former customer, conducted to the society, and induced to sign the pledge. Very few that have attended our meetings have ever gone away drunkards. The very atmosphere they breathed in these meetings, was that of reformation; and it inspired them with new hopes of again regaining their position in the community. Very few men, if any, are beyond the reach of reformation from intemperance, if the proper judicious means are used for their recovery.

One great secret of the success of the Washington Society has been, that it is emphatically a society of working men, - that is: the society constitutes a grand "committee of the whole;" and the business of each member is constantly to seek out all cases of intemperance within their reach, and to do what can be done to bring such to the society. Heretofore most Temperance societies were confined in their operations to annual, semi-annual, or quarterly meetings; on which occasions the societies met, heard a report and a speech or two, and then adjourned, too often to remain inactive until the next regular meeting. To this there were some honorable exceptions. But after all, the toil and labor rested mainly on the shoulders of one or two men in each society.

The Washington Society meets every Monday night, at which time the pledge is read as often as called for, and the different members, as there may be occasion, or as they may be called on, relate their experience. Thus a constant interest is kept up, being renewed each week, and carried out into the daily intercourse of life.

Of the Delegations or Missions of this society, the manner in which they came to be instituted, and the glorious results of all these missionary labours, we have spoken before. These are but the developments of the aggressive principles, which at the very foundation of the society. All these great and glorious results were actually foreseen and predicted by the author of these pages, several months before any of our missionaries had left his city. Our true motto should be: action, constant untiring action on the part of every member. What has the Temperance cause not done for us! Let us extend its blessings to every member of the human family; and if the drunkard will not come to us, let us seek him out in his wretchedness, and strive to bring him to reformation by every means in our power.

OUR PLEDGE

The pledge of the Washington Society, though strictly a total abstinence pledge, differs, in several particulars, from that of the American Temperance Union, and from abstinence pledges in general. We require but one thing of our members; and that is personal abstinence. We so not require a man to pledge himself that he will abandon all interest in the manufacture or traffic, nor proscribe those who are engaged in these pursuits. This is a matter we leave to each individual man, as we do every other matter of duty. We do not pass resolutions of non-intercourse with men who traffic in intoxicating liquors; nor proscribe them in any way, further than advising men not to drink their liquors, may be proscription. This course of the Washington Society we think perfectly defensible.

There are many men who have for years been pecuniarily interested in making and selling liquors. It is their only business. These men have their family connections and friends. Many of them are intemperate. How are they to be reformed? They are to be reformed mainly through the influence of Temperance Societies, and the instrumentality of a pledge; and few men are reformed from intemperance by any other means. If then all the societies are barred against those, whose hands are not clean in this respect, unless they first wash their hands from the uncleanness, where is the intemperate dealer to go for reformation? Your societies are all closed against him. Your pledge excludes him, unless he abandons the traffic; and few will give up the traffic until after they have personally reformed. His ears are closed, and his heart is steeled against all your advances, because he considers your very constitution as proscribing not so much him personally, as his business. These prejudices extend not only to the manufacturer and trafficker, but also to their families and friends. A. will not sign the pledge, lest by so doing he proscribes his kind neighbour B., who is engaged in the trade. C. will not sign, because his brother D. is a distiller, and he cannot array himself against his own kindred. These things have occurred frequently. We do not justify these men. We are only stating facts. Men should do right, no matter who is offended. But these men may not be prepared to do so. Shall we therefore close the door against their personal reformation, because they are not prepared to do all their duty on the Temperance question? Why not exclude men unless they pledge themselves also to quit swearing, or gambling, or any thing else that is wrong, and that may have a connection with drinking? Why not require them to abandon every other immoral pursuit in life, which they follow from the love of gain?

The first and main object of the Washington Society is to induce men to quit drinking alcoholic liquors. When they have done this, the rest must regulate itself, and in most cases it will regulate itself. We have no sympathy with this trade in ruin. But we do not array ourselves as the proscribers of all engaged in the business. We beseech all men to give up the traffic; but if they will not, and yet are willing to sign our pledge and reform, we receive them among us; and let the truth work its own way upon their hearts in this, as in every other reformation of their lives.

Of one thing we are certain: if an intemperate rum-seller joins the Washington Society, keeps his pledge, and attends our meetings, he will hear enough to induce him in a short time to abandon the business. The atmosphere of the Washington Society would be rather unpalatable to him, so long as he continues to sell rum. While therefore we do not require it, the most necessary consequence is, that he will voluntarily abandon it himself, after he has been for some time connected with the society.

If then there be any inconsistency in this matter, it is not with the society. We require but one thing; when that is accomplished, our work is done. If a man signs our pledge, and keeps it, we retain him, and are consistent; for that is all we require of him. The society does not set itself up as a censor of morals. It occupies but one position. It has to do only with drinking. If men will be inconsistent in making and selling intoxicating drinks, be it so. To their God and their own consciences they must render an account not only for this, but for every other improper pursuit. We will not be accountable for them; nor shall we plead their cause.

A number of dealers in intoxicating liquors have already signed our pledge. Many of them are reformed men. And, with several exceptions, they have abandoned the traffic soon after their reformation. Now with the old pledge these men might have been arrayed against us, and we might not have reached one of them. They might still be both intemperate, and engaged in the traffic. It is a matter of public record that the number of licences for the sale of liquors taken out in this city last year, were one hundred and sixty-six less than those of the preceding year - about one-fifth of the whole number; and while other societies and other influences have operated in bringing about this result, the Washington Society claims to have contributed directly and indirectly a considerable share of this influence.

On the same principles, we, as a society, do not wish to identify ourselves with any political movements, intended to result in legislative enactments on this subject. The members individually may entertain what sentiments they please on that question. They are known to entertain different sentiments respecting it. But as a society, we have nothing to do with it. The general impression of the society seems to be, that all legislation bearing on matters of morals, and the habits of the people, is premature, until the great mass of the public mind is prepared for it. When that takes place, such legislation, as enlightened public opinion may consider judicious, will no doubt be adopted. But the few, even though they be right, should not press legislation, so long as there is a danger of exciting prejudices and interests, which may produce a still more violent reaction. The public are perhaps not yet prepared for anything more than a judicious modification of the present license system.

In all these matters, therefore, - the manufacture, the traffic, and legislative enactments designed to limit or prevent the same, the Washington Society occupies no offensive ground; because she occupies neutral ground. And thus not attacking the supposed rights and interests of any, we win the confidence of all; and having access to them, we have the means of doing good to all. But let us be understood. This position is taken by the society, on the most prudential considerations. We would gladly see every bar and distillery in the land closed forever. But more can be done by persuasion, than by the law.

Moreover we do not object to other societies, with pledges formed on the model of the American Temperance Union. Many of our members have signed such pledges in other societies. These societies with the comprehensive pledge have doubtless done much good. If others prefer it, we wish them all success with it. We only wish the Washington Society, with its peculiar organization, to steer clear of all these questions. We occupy our own ground. Let others enjoy the same privilege. We need not quarrel. Yet we venture to say that our pledge will obtain as many signatures, as if it were more comprehensive; and that in addition, we shall secure the reformation and final abandonment of the traffic, of many, who never would have signed the old pledge.

There is a prevalent impression, that none but reformed drunkards are admitted as members of the Washington Society. This is a mistake. Any man may become a member by signing the pledge, and continue so by adhering to it. Many of the best men in the city of Baltimore belong to the society.

We should perhaps make another remark here in reference to our pledge; and it is this. The practice of the WASHINGTON Society is, not to abandon at once the reformed man, who in an evil hour of strong temptation, has violated his pledge; but to bear with him, and try to reclaim him again - and if he comes back penitent, to forgive "seven times" - "yea, seventy times seven." By this mild course many have been ultimately saved, who by harsh

measures would have returned again to their old habits. We cannot be too cautious or kind to the unfortunate victim of intemperance. He needs kind treatment; and by means of it, we can generally calculate on his final reformation. It gives us pleasure to remark, however, that comparatively very few have ever violated our pledge.

POLITICS AND RELIGION

As previously observed, the Washington Society occupies a strictly neutral position on these subjects. All our efforts are devoted to the one single object of inducing all, the temperate and intemperate, to sign a total-abstinence pledge, and to drink no more while the world stands.

On the subject of political action, we have previously stated the principles of the society. Perhaps our relation to the matter of religion is of more importance, and less understood. We have been represented as being adverse to religion - as arraying ourselves against the Church - as declaring our labors to be higher and holier than those of the Christian ministry - as substituting Temperance for religion. In all these charges we are wholly and entirely misrepresented or misunderstood. Our true principles on this subject are as follows: as a body, retaining our original position as a unit, we have nothing to do whatever with religion or politics; any more than a political party has to do with religion or temperance. If a man will only comply with our constitution he may be a Catholic, a Protestant, or an Infidel, if he chooses. We do not enquire into his creed or notions. This is not our business. He may be anything or nothing in this respect. But he must not bring his creed or party into the society. When he comes into the Washington Temperance Hall, he leaves his church creed and party politics at home; and meet all his fellow-members not as Democrats or Whigs, not as Presbyterians, Methodists, Catholics, or anything else - no, not even as Christians, (for they may not all be such,) but as his fellow-men, on the one common platform of total-abstinence. We do not mean that anyone is to so any thing in the society, or as a member of the same, contrary to his religious creed and obligations, or his political notions; but he is not to introduce them to the society. No matter then who the man may be, we give him the hand of a brother Washingtonian, if he signs our pledge and keeps it, and conducts himself becomingly among us, - and few cold-water men are other than gentlemen.

Constituted thus, how then could the society, as such, legitimately have anything to do with religion. The members, as individuals, have to do with religion as they had before they joined. If they were drunkards and have reformed, this only places them back in their original position as men; and to their God and their own consciences must they stand or fall.

With these sentiments, the society does not have any religious worship connected with their regular meetings in their Hall. Yet when they are permitted to occupy, for their public meetings, any usual place of worship, they are in the habit of requesting some minister or religious person to open the meeting with prayer, according to the mode and form in use where they meet.

If a clergyman join the society, he is precisely on the same footing with all the other members; and his ministerial character is not recognized among us.

All this neutrality is necessary in order to combine the heterogeneous elements, that make up the Washington Society. The object is not only to avoid all sectarianism, but even the appearance or suspicion of sectarianism. Indeed we have more in view. The design is to prevent all suspicion that the Temperance cause is a church affair; and that with this wise and benevolent design; we wish to reach and save all men from intemperance, even those who are embittered against the church. Heretofore most of the Temperance societies were connected more or less, nominally or otherwise, with some church or other; the meetings were usually held in churches, conducted with religious exercises, and more or less under the direction of ministers; many of the addresses were made by ministers, and partook of the nature of sermons rather than Temperance speeches. All this was very well, so far as it went. It had its designed effect; but only on a portion of the community. While these arrangements were calculated to accomplish much with the upright and religious, they were strongly calculated to make the impression upon the drinking man, that the Temperance reform was a church affair, and that joining a Temperance society, was more or less a religious business.

Now anyone who knows anything of drunkenness, knows that most drunkards are strongly averse to religion, if not infidel at heart. They want to hear nothing about "moral reform" and "church societies." Hence this class of men rarely went near a temperance meeting formerly. Indeed many of them in their degradation and wretchedness, would not have gained admission to a church. It was to reconcile such feelings and aversions, that this strongly neutral ground was taken in the first place, and is still held by the Washington Temperance Society.

The drunkard is prejudiced against the church and her ministers. Satisfy him that these have nothing to do with your society, and he will listen to you. When he joins and is reformed, and has come to his proper senses and his conscience, no one can doubt the effect of his reformation will have on his notions of church matters. Cold water clears the head; and though it does not regenerate, it greatly unwraps the heart. And though a man reformed from intemperance, may still be an unconverted man so far as religion is concerned, yet he is now prepared to view matters in their true light, with a cool head; and now, if ever, he will be likely to attend religious worship and become a Christian. Religious influences now have access to him; before they had not.

These statements will explain much in which the society has been wrongly represented. When the president and the members, after the foundation of the society, over and over again said to the public:"We have nothing to do with religion," they meant as we have explained above, and do not array themselves against religion. Indeed there are now men in the Washington Society of as much piety as any men in the city of Baltimore. As regards being opposed to Clergymen, the society has shown no such feeling. We number among our members several of the principal evangelical ministers of the city; which is sufficient evidence that all is right on that score.

The true position of the Washington Society is this: as a body we recognize no creed of religion. Our members may be as much or as little religious as they please, provided they do not violate our pledge. We do not substitute temperance for religion, nor place temperance above religion. On the contrary we hold that a man's reformation from intemperance only places him in his original position, and leaves him to deal with the Church and his God, according to the dictates of his own conscience. Of one thing we are certain: sober men are more likely to be religious than drinking men; and the church will gain more members where there is a Washington Temperance Society, than where there is none.

In conclusion on this subject, instead of the society being infidel, and setting itself up as independent of all divine influence, we have often heard its founders remark, that such has been the result of their efforts, beyond all they could have anticipated, that they cannot but believe that the hand of GOD has been in this reform; and that they have been made the humble instruments in the hands of Providence, of accomplishing these great things.

CONCLUSION

From the preceding pages we learn that the principal causes of the extraordinary influence of the Washington Temperance Society, are as follow:

1. The drunkard is now regarded in a new light by the Washingtonians. Instead of being considered a cruel monster - a loathsome brute - an object of ridicule, contempt and indignation, as formerly, we are now taught to look upon him as a brother - as more weak perhaps than wicked - as a slave to appetite, and debased by passion - yet still as a man, our own brother. Thus all the sympathies of the public are excited in his behalf.

2. The substitution of personal experience for addresses and lectures, has had the same effect of exciting the sympathy of the community in behalf of the intemperate. A reformed drunkard's experience touches a chord, that vibrates in every human breast. Moreover the drunkard when reformed best knows how to reach the drunkard's heart; for he best understands his feelings.

3. Another cause lies in the simplicity and unity of the pledge, requiring but one thing - personal abstinence. To this add the neutrality of the society, as we have explained it in the preceding pages, and the whole matter is explained on the common principles of human nature.

Kind reader, have you signed the pledge? You have read our history. You have seen how the intemperate have fallen; and you have seen how they have reformed. Now there are but three classes of mankind in this respect - the strictly abstinent, the moderate drinker, and the intemperate. To which class do you belong? If to the first, we hail you as a brother. If to the last, read our history over again, see how others have reformed, and "go and do likewise." You may be free. No man is reduced so far that he may not be reclaimed. If you belong to the second class, remember three things - first, every reformed drunkard in the land will tell you he was once what you are, and equally confident he never would go farther; yet he fell; - second, you are giving no encouragement to the poor unfortunate drunkard to reform, but the influence of your example is all against him; - third, you are setting such an example to your neighbours, friends and family, that if they follow it, you know some of them will be drunkards ere they die.

For the sake then of yourself; for the sake of those who may be influenced by your example; and for the sake of the unfortunate drunkards who are struggling to be free all over the land, come with us. Save yourself, and save others. Remember that you are accountable, here and hereafter, for the man who stumbles over your example into a drunkard's grave!

QUART. J. STUD. ALC., VOL. 11, 410-452, 1950.

THE WASHINGTONIAN MOVEMENT

By Milton A. Maxwell, Ph.D.

State College of Washington, Pullman, Washington

INTRODUCTION

Certain similarities between the Washingtonian movement of the nineteenth century and the present day fellowship of Alcoholics Anonymous have been commented upon by a number of observers. In view of this resemblance there is more than historical interest in an account of the first movement in the United States which brought about a large-scale rehabilitation of alcoholics. The phenomenal rise and spread of the Washingtonian movement throughout the land in the early 1940's was the occasion of much discussion, exciting a deep interest. The cause of its equally rapid decline have been a subject of much speculation and are still of concern to the members of Alcoholics Anonymous who may wonder whether or not their movement is destined to a similar fate. This article, therefore, will present not merely a description and history of the movement but also an analysis of the similarities and differences between the Washingtonians and Alcoholics Anonymous.

Since the Washingtonian movement is so intimately linked to the larger temperance movement, it may be well to recall the developments which preceded 1840. Before the 1830's, "temperance" was hardly a popular cause. Even in 1812, when Lyman Beecher proposed to his fellow Congregational ministers that they formulate a program for combating intemperance, "... the regular committee reported that 'after faithful and prayerful inquiry' it was convinced that nothing could be done to check the growth of intemperance..."(1). The custom of serving liquor at ecclesiastical meetings probably influenced the outcome of this "prayerful inquiry." But Lyman Beecher was not to be stopped. He headed a new committee that recommended the following steps:

.... that district assemblies abstain from the use of ardent spirits (not wine) at ecclesiastical meetings, that members of churches abstain from unlawful vending or purchase (not from lawful vending and purchase) of liquor, that farmers, mechanics and manufacturers substitute monetary compensation for the ration of spirits, that voluntary associations aid the civil magistrates to enforce the laws, and that the pamphlet of Dr. Rush (2) be printed and circulated

(1).The fact that these proposals were regarded as radical by the custodians of the New England conscience is a sufficient clue to the state of public opinion in 1812.

It was not until 1825 that Lyman Beecher preached his famous Six Sermons (3), in which he defined intemperance not merely as drunkenness but as the "daily use of ardent spirits." In 1826, in Boston, Beecher and Justin Edwards spearheaded the founding of the first national society, "The American Society for the Promotion of Temperance" (American Temperance Society) which sought, according to its constitution, "...to produce such a change of public sentiment, and such a renovation of the habits of individuals and the customs of the community, that in the end temperance, with all its attendant blessings, may universally prevail(4)."

The temperance movement began to take hold. In 1829 there were about 1,000 societies with a membership of approximately 100,000. By 1834 there were 5,000 local societies claiming 11000,000 members, a gain of 500 per cent in 5 years. A temperance press had been established. Effective literature had emerged. Politicians were taking notice. In 1836 the American Temperance Society was merged into the new and more inclusive "American Temperance Union," which decided to take the stand of "total abstinence from all that can intoxicate(5)."

This step required an entirely new orientation. It is therefore not surprising that sone 2,000 societies and countless individuals were not ready to go along. Many wealthy contributors, unwilling to forgo wine, withdrew their support. Some leaders were discouraged by the resistance to the new pledge and became inactive. Various controversial issues added to the dissension. The movement fell upon lean years. Its leaders, in 1840, were wondering what could be done to restore the momentum of the years preceding 1836. Their effort were groping and limited.

As for the alcoholic, it was the prevailing opinion, up to 1840, that nothing could be done to help him. Occasionally a "drunkard" did "reform," but this did not erase the general pessimism as to the possibility of rehabilitating drunkards. Since alcohol was held to be the "cause" of alcoholism, the temperance movement was aimed solely at keeping the nonalcoholic from becoming an alcoholic. This implied indifference to the alcoholic was epitomized by Justin Edwards in 1822: "Keep the temperate people temperate; the drunkards will soon die, and the land be free(6)."

Thus the stage was set for the emergence of the Washingtonian movement.

THE BALTIMORE ORIGINS

One Thursday evening, April 2, 1840, six friends were drinking, as they were wont to do almost every evening, in Chasels Tavern, on Liberty Street, in Baltimore. They were William K. Mitchell, a tailor; John F. Hoss, a carpenter; David Anderson and George Steers, both blacksmiths; James McCurley, a coachmaker; and Archibald Campbell, a silversmith(7). Their conversation turned to the temperance lecture which was to be given that evening by a visiting lecturer, the Rev. Matthew Hale Smith. In a spirit of fun it was proposed that some of them go to hear the lecture and report back. Four of them went and, after their return, all discussed the lecture.

... one of their company remarked that, "after all, temperance is a good thing." "0," said the host, "they're all a parcel of hypocrites." "O yes," replied McCurley, "I'll be bound for you; it's your interest to cry them down, anyhow." "I'll tell you what, boys," says Steers, "Let's form a society and make Bill Mitchell president.".. The idea seemed to take wonderfully; and the more they laughed and talked it over, the more they were pleased with it(8).

On Sunday, April 5, while the six were strolling and drinking, the suggestion crystallized into a decision to quit drinking and to organize a total abstinence society. It was agreed that Mitchell should be the president; Campbell the vice-president; Hoss, the secretary; McCurley, the treasurer; and Steers and Anderson, the standing committee. The membership fee was to be twenty-five cents; the monthly dues, 12½ cents. The proposal that they name the society in honour of Thomas Jefferson was finally rejected and it was decided that the president and the secretary, since they were to be the committee to draft the constitution, should also decide upon the name. It was agreed that each man should bring a man to the next meeting. And it was left to the president to compose the pledge which they would all sign the next day. The pledge was formulated by Mitchell as follows:

"We whose names are annexed, desirous of forming a society for our mutual benefit, and to guard against a pernicious practice which is injurious to our health, standing, and families, do pledge ourselves as gentlemen that we will not drink any spirituous or malt liquors, wine or cider."

He went with it, about nine o'clock, to Anderson's house and found him still in bed, sick from the effects of his Sunday adventure. He rose, however, dressed himself, and after hearing the pledge read, went down to his shop for pen and ink, and there did himself the honour of being the first man who signed the Washington pledge. After obtaining the names of the other four, the worthy president finished this noble achievement by adding his own(8).

The name, "Washington Temperance Society, 11 was selected in honour of George Washington. Two new members were brought to the second meeting. Strangely enough, they continued to meet for a number of weeks at their accustomed place in Chase's Tavern. When the tavern owner's wife objected to the increasing loss of their best customers, Mitchell's wife suggested that they meet in their home. This they did until the group grew too large, whereupon they moved to a carpenter's shop on Little Sharp Street. Eventually, they rented a hall of their own.

As they grew in membership they faced the problem of making their weekly meetings interesting. Their resourceful president made the suggestion that each member relate his own experience. He started off with his story of 15 years of excessive drinking, adding his reactions to his newly gained freedom. Others followed suit. This procedure proved to be so interesting and effective that it became a permanent feature of their programs. Interest and membership mounted.

In November the society resolved to try a public meeting in which Mitchell and others would tell their personal experiences. The first such meeting, held on November 19, 1840, in the Masonic Hall on St. Paul Street, was a decided success. Not only did it bring in additional members but it also called the movement to the interested attention of the people of Baltimore. It was decided to repeat these public meetings about once a month in addition to the regular weekly meetings of the society.

John Zug, a citizen of Baltimore who probably had his interest aroused by the first public meeting, made further inquiry and, on December 12, 1840, wrote a letter to the Rev. John Marsh, executive secretary of the American Temperance Union, in New York City, informing him of the new society in Baltimore. In it he told about the growth of the group:

These half a dozen men immediately interested themselves to persuade their old bottle-companions to unite with them, and they in a short time numbered nearly one hundred members, a majority of whom were reformed drunkards. By their unprecedented exertions from the beginning, they have been growing in numbers, extending their influence, and increasing in interest, until now they number about three hundred members, upwards of two hundred of whom are reformed drunkards - reformed, too, within the last eight months. Many of these had been drunkards of many years' standing, - notorious for their dissipation. indeed, the society has done wonders in the reformation of scores whose friends and the community had despaired of long since(9).

So rapidly did the society grow during the following months that on the first anniversary of the society, April 5, 1841, there were about 1,000 reformed drunkards and 5,000 other members and friends in the parade to celebrate the occasion. This demonstration made a deep impression upon the 40,000 or so Baltimoreans who witnessed the event.

Additional information on the pattern of activities which made this growth possible, and on the components of the therapeutic program which made the reformation of alcoholics possible in the first place, is given in the writings of contemporary observers. John Zug, in his first letter to John Marsh, included the following description:

The interest connected with this society is maintained by the continued active exertions of its members, the peculiar character of their operations and the frequency of their meetings. The whole society is considered a "grand committee of the whole," each member exerting himself, from week to week, and from day to day, as far as possible, to persuade his friends to adopt the only safe course, total abstinence; or at least to accompany him to the next meeting of the "Washington Temperance Society." It is a motto of their energetic and worthy President, in urging the attendance of the members at the stated meetings, "Let every man be present, and every man bring with him a man."

They have rented a public hall in which they meet every Monday night. At these weekly meetings, after their regular business is transacted, the several members rise promiscuously and state their temperance experience for each other' a warning, instruction, and encouragement. After this, any persons present wishing to unite with them are invited forward to sign the Constitution and Pledge(9).

Christian Keener, the editor of the Maryland Herald, made these further first-hand observations:

These men spared neither their money nor their time in carrying out the principles which they had espoused. Many a poor fellow who from the effect of liquor had become a burden to his family and himself was fed and clothed by them, and won by kindness to reform his life; even more than this, they have supported the families of those who they had induced to join with them, until the husband and father had procured work, and was able to support them with his own hands.

The peculiar characteristics of this great reform are first, a total abstinence pledge .... Secondly, the telling of others what they know from experience of the evils of intemperance, and the good which they feel to result from entire abstinence(9).

John W. Hawkins, an early member, had this to say in one of his Boston speeches:

Drunkard! Come up here! you can reform. I met a gentleman this morning who reformed four weeks ago, rejoicing in his reformation; he brought a man with him who took the pledge and this man brought two others. This is the way we do the business up in Baltimore. We reformed drunkards are a Committee of the Whole on the State of the Union. We are all missionaries. We don't slight the drunkard; we love him, we nurse him, as a mother does her infant learning to walk(10).

Christian Keener, in another communication, summed up the work as follows, making at the same time a comparison with the operations of the regular temperance societies:

The great advantage of the Washington Temperance Society has been this; they have reached hundreds of men that would not come out to our churches, nor even temperance meetings; they go to their old companions and drag them, not by force, but by friendly consideration of duty, and a sense of self-respect, into their ranks, and watch over them with the solicitude of friends and brothers...(9).

Such was the character of the original Baltimore "Washington Temperance Society."

THE SPREAD OF THE MOVEMENT

A phenomenon like this could not be confined to Baltimore, for the Washington men had it in their power to meet many pressing needs. First of all, there were the drunkards in need of reclamation - a need long ignored because the opinion prevailed that there was no hope for them. The meeting of this need partook of the miraculous. Secondly, there was the overwhelming drive on the part of the reformed men to carry their message of hope to other victims of drink - spilling over into a desire to prevent such suffering by winning those not addicted to certain sobriety in total abstinence. Finally, there were the needs of the temperance leaders. Set back by the 1836 decision to put temperance on a total abstinence basis, they needed a convincing argument for total abstinence as well as some effective means of rekindling enthusiasm for their cause. The Washington men were the answer to these needs, for what could be a better argument for total abstinence that its apparent power to reclaim even the confirmed drunkard; and what could excite more interest than the personally told experiences of reformed drunkards?

The first recorded activity outside of Baltimore was the speaking of John H.W. Hawkins, in February 1841, to the delegates of the Maryland State Temperance Society, meeting in Annapolis, and to the members of the State Legislature in the same city.

Hawkins, who was to become the most effective spokesman of the movement, had joined the Washington Temperance Society on June 14, 1840, after more than 20 years of excessive drinking. Born in Baltimore on September 28, 1797, he was apprenticed at an early age to a hatmaker. During this apprenticeship he developed a dependence on alcohol which was increased during 3 years in the frontier communities of the West. His religious conversion at the age of 18 did not eradicate this craving. Resuming his trade in Baltimore, he battled in vain against his addiction. The panic of 1937 left him unemployed, reducing him to a pauper on public relief. Guilt and remorse over his family's destitution only intensified his alcoholism. His own account of his last drinking days and his reclamation, as given in his first New York talk, are preserved for us:

"Never," said he, "shall I forget the 12th of June last. The first two weeks in June I averaged - it is a cross to acknowledge it - as much as a quart and a pint a day. That morning I was miserable beyond conception, and was hesitating whether to live or die. My little daughter came to my bed and said, II hope you won't send me for any more whiskey today.' I told her to go out of the room. She went weeping. I wounded her sorely, though I had made up my mind I would drink no more. I suffered all the horrors of the pit that day, but my wife supported me. She said, "Hold on, hold on. I Next day I felt better. Monday I wanted to go down and see my old associates who had joined the Washington Society. I went and signed. I felt like a free man. What was I now to do to regain my character? My friends took me by the hand. They encouraged me. They did right. If there is a man on earth who deserves the sympathy of the world it is the poor drunkard; he is poisoned, cast out, knows not what to do, and must be helped or be lost... (8).

"It did not take his associates long to discover that he had the qualities of a leader. A splendid physique and commanding presence, combined with a gift for extemporaneous speaking, made him an ideal lecturer.(l)" It is not surprising, therefore, that Hawkins was selected to speak before the Maryland State Temperance Society and the State Legislature. Christian Keener left an eyewitness report of the latter occasion which helps to explain Hawkins' appeal:

.... He commenced his speech by letting them know that he stood before then a reformed drunkard, less than twelve months ago taken almost out of the gutter; and now in the Senate chamber of his native State, addressing hundreds of the best informed and most intelligent men and women, and they listened with tearful attention. The circumstances had an almost overpowering effect on his own feelings and those of his audience. He is a man of plain, good common sense, with a sincerity about him, and easy way of expressing himself, that every word took like a point-blank shot. His was the eloquence of the heart; no effort at display(9).

About this time, a Baltimore businessman attended a temperance meeting in New York City. News of the Baltimore developments having already been circulated by John Marsh through the Journal of the American Temperance Union, this visitor was requested to give a brief history and description of the Washington Soc3ety. A conversation with Dr. Rease, after the meeting, brought forth the suggestion that some of the Washington men be invited to New York to relate their experiences. This tentative proposition was taken to the Baltimore society, accepted by them, and the arrangements completed for a delegation of five to go. The five were William K. Mitchell, John W. Hawkins, J.F. Pollard, and two other members, Shaw and Casey.

Their first meeting in New York was held on Tuesday, March 23, 1841, in the Methodist Episcopal Church on Green Street. The curious throngs were not disappointed. As in Baltimore, the experiences of these "reformed drunkards" deeply moved and inspired all those who came to hear. Not only that, but real-life drama was enacted at the meeting. The New York Commercial Advertiser reported the next morning:

During the first speech a young man rose in the gallery and, though intoxicated, begged to know if there was any hope for him; declaring his readiness to bind himself, from that hour, to drink no more. He was invited to come down and sign the pledge, which he did forthwith, in the presence of the audience, under deep emotion, which seemed to be contagious, for others followed; and during each of the speeches they continued to come forward and sign, until more than a hundred pledges were obtained; a large portion of which were intemperate persons, some of whom were old and grey headed. Such a scene as was beheld at the secretary's table while they were signing, and the unaffected tears that were flowing, and the cordial greetings of the recruits by the Baltimore delegates, was never before witnessed in New York(8).

All the subsequent meetings were equally successful. John Marsh and the other temperance leaders who were promoting the meetings were delighted. With no church large enough to hold the curious crowds, it was decided to hold an open air meeting in City Hall Park. More than 4,000 turned out for this. The speakers, mounted on upturned rum kegs, again enthraled the crowd. This impressive occasion was merely the climax of a triumphant campaign: about 2,000 were converted to the total abstinence pledge, including many confirmed drunkards with whom the men worked between meetings. At this time the Washington Temperance Society of New York was organized.

The delegation returned to Baltimore in time for the first anniversary parade and celebration, an April 5th. With the memory of the New York success still fresh in their minds, this must have been a very happy and meaningful occasion - not merely the recognition of a year's achievement, but also a portent of things to come.

Things began to happen rapidly now. While the New York meetings were in progress, John Marsh wrote to the Boston temperance leaders about the power of the Washingtonian appeal. Arrangements were quickly made so that within a week after the first anniversary celebration Hawkins and William E. Wright were on their way to Boston for a series of meetings in the churches. There were those who doubted that Bostonians would respond as enthusiastically as New Yorkers, but the coming of these speakers was well published and even larger crowds than in New York greeted them. The first meeting was held on April 15, 1841. The Daily Mail had this report the following morning:

The Odeon was filled to its utmost capacity, last evening, by a promiscuous audience of temperance men, distillers, wholesalers and retail dealers in ardent spirits, conformed inebriates, moderate drinkers, lovers of the social glass, teetotallers, etc., to listen to the speeches of the famous "Reformed Drunkards," delegates from the Washington Temperance Society of Baltimore, who have excited such a deep interest in the cause of temperance in other places...Mr. Hawkins of Baltimore, was the second of the "Reformed Drunkards" introduced to the meeting. He was a man of forty-four years of age - of fine manly form - and he said he had been more than twenty years a confirmed inebriate. He spoke with rather more fluency, force and effect, than his predecessor, but in the same vein of free and easy, off-hand, direct, bang-up style; at times in a single conversational manner, then earnest and vehement, then pathetic, then humorous - but always manly and reasonable. Mr. Hawkins succeeded in "working up" his audience finely. Now the house was as quiet and still as a deserted church, and anon the high dome rang with violent bursts of laughter and applause. Now he assumed the melting mood, and pictured the scenes of a drunkard's home, and that home his own, and fountains of generous feelings, in many hearts, gushed forth in tears - and again, in a moment, as he related, some ludicrous story, these tearful eyes glistened with delight, sighs changed to hearty shouts, and long faces were convulsed with broad grins and glorious smiles(1).

The Boston Mercantile Journal reported the same meeting in the following manner:

The exercises at the temperance meeting at the Odeon last evening possessed a deep and thrilling interest. The hall was crowded and Messrs. Hawkins and Wright...spoke with great eloquence and power for more than two hours, and when, at ten o'clock, they proposed abridging somewhat they had to say, shouts of "Go on! Go on!" were heard from all parts of the house. We believe more tears were never shed by an audience in one evening than flowed last night...Old grey haired men sobbed like children, and the noble and honourable bowed their heads and wept. Three hundred and seventy-seven came forward and made "the second declaration of independence," by pledging themselves to touch no intoxicating drink; among them were noticed many bloated countenances, familiar as common drunkards; and we promise them health, prosperity, honour, and happiness in the pursuance of their new principles(9).

When even the standing room in Faneuil Hall was filled, a few evenings later, and the crowd responded with unrestrained enthusiasm, several hundred coming forward to sign the pledge at the close of the meeting, there was no longer any doubt that the Washingtonian reformers had a universally potent appeal. Here was "human interest" material par excellence. No fiction could be more exciting or dramatic. These true-life narratives pulled at the heartstrings. They aroused awe and wonder at the "miracle of rebirth." Formal religious beliefs had flesh and blood put on dry bones. And, to the victim of drink, the Washingtonian message was like a promise of life to a doomed man. It was the impossible come true.

During these meetings, a Washington Total-Abstinence Society was formed in Boston. Hawkins was also engaged as the paid secretary of the Massachusetts Temperance Society, and on June 1, 1841, returned from Baltimore with his family. Within a short space of time, he and his Boston associates succeeded in carrying the Washingtonian movement into 160 New England towns.

On May 11, 1841, the executive committee of the American Temperance Union, on the occasion of its anniversary meeting in New York City, paid high tribute to the Washingtonians. In July at the national convention of the Union, at Saratoga Springs, this praise was even more fulsome. John Marsh and many of the other leaders saw in the Washingtonians the possibilities of a great forward advance for the temperance movement. None of them, however, even in their most optimistic moments, sensed the vitality that was to be manifested by the Washingtonian movement that very summer and autumn.

Even before the Saratoga convention, two of the most famous of the many Washingtonian deputation teams, Pollard and Wright, and Vickers and Small, had begun extensive tours. By autumn, many teams and individuals were in the field. From the 1842 Report of the American Temperance Union, it is possible to trace the rapid spread of the movement throughout the country.

J.F. Pollard and W.E. Wright, both of Baltimore - the former having accompanied Hawkins to New York, and the latter to Boston - began their work early in the summer of 1841 in Hudson, New York. Their first efforts were discouraging, but soon they got attention and in a few weeks nearly 3,000 of the 5,500 inhabitants of Hudson had signed the pledge. A Hudson resident has left this account of their type of meeting:

Some of the meeting took the air of deep religious solemnity, eyes that never wept before were suffused...the simple tale of the ruined inebriate, interrupted by a silence that told of emotions too big for utterance, would awaken general sympathy, and dissolve a large portion of the audience in tears. The spell which had bound so many seemed to dissolve under the magic eloquence of those unlettered men. They spoke from the heart to the heart. The drunkard found himself unexpectedly an object of interest. He was no longer an outcast. There were some who still looked upon him as a man. A chord was reached which had long since ceased to respond to other influences less kind in their nature...The social principle operated with great power. A few leaders in the ranks of intemperance having signed the pledge, it appeared to be the signal for the mass to follow: and on they came, like a torrent sweeping everything before it. It was for weeks the all-absorbing topic...(7).

Pollard and Wright attended the Saratoga convention and then toured through central and western New York; and that autumn, through New Jersey and Pennsylvania. On this tour they obtained 23,340 signatures to the pledge, "one-fifth of which were supposed to be common drunkards"(7). Late in 1841 they spoke in Maryland and Delaware. They moved in January 1842 into Virginia, where they worked particularly in Richmond, Petersburg, Charlottesville and Norfolk, pledging Negroes as well as whites.

The other famous team, Jesse Vickers and Jesse W. Small, also of Baltimore, began their campaign in June 1841 in Pittsburgh, where "all classes, all ages, all ranks and denominations, and both sexes, pressed every night into overflowing churches." In a brief time 10,000 were pledged, "including a multitude of most hopeless characters"(7). This success was followed by another in Wheeling, from which place they proceeded to Cincinnati where Lyman Beecher, now president of Lane Theological Seminary, had diligently prepared the way for their coming. Large crowds turned out for the meetings and a strong Washington society was organized which, by the end of 1841, claimed 8,000 members, 900 of them reformed. Cincinnati became the chief centre of Washingtonianism in the West, and Vickers and Small spent a great deal of time preparing the converts who were to carry on the missionary work. One of these Cincinnati teams, Brown and Porter, obtained 6,529 signatures in an 8-week campaign in the surrounding country, 1,630 of them from "hard drinkers" and 700 from confirmed drunkards. Another Cincinnati team, Turner and Guptill, toured western Ohio and Michigan. On December 21, 1841, a team of three, probably including Vickers, began a campaign in St. Louis, laying the foundation for a Washington society that numbered 7,500 within a few months. Many communities in Kentucky, Indiana and Illinois were also visited. It is interesting to note that on February 22, 1842, Abraham Lincoln addressed the Washington Society of Springfield, Ill. Just how quickly the West was cultivated by the Washingtonian missionaries, operating chiefly out of Cincinnati, is shown by the May 1842 claims of 60,000 signatures in Ohio, 30,000 in Kentucky, and 10,000 in Illinois. Of these, it was claimed, "every seventh man is a reformed drunkard, and every fourth man a reformed tippler"(7).

The intensity of this cultivation varied with time and place. How intensive it could be is well portrayed by a citizen of Pittsburgh, in a letter to John Marsh, in April 1842:

The work has grown in this city and vicinity...at such a rate as has defied a registration of its triumphs with anything like statistical accuracy. ...The most active agents and labourers in the field have been at no time able to report the state of the work in their own entire province - the work spread us from place to place - running in so many currents, and meeting in their way so many others arising from other sources, or springing spontaneously in their pathway, that no one could measure its dimensions or compass its spread. We have kept some eight or ten missionaries in the field ever since last June, who have toiled over every part and parcel of every adjoining country of Pennsylvania, and spread thence into Ohio and Virginia, leaving no school house, or country church, or little village, cross roads, forge, furnace, factory, or mills, unvisited; holding meetings wherever two or three could be gathered together, and organizing as many as from 20 to 30 societies in a single county...(7).

In the Boston area, Washingtonian activity was intensive from the beginning. Within 3 months after the first Hawkins and Wright meetings, the Boston society had this to report:

Since this society went into operation the delegating committee have sent out two hundred and seventeen delegations to one hundred and sixty towns in Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Maine, Vermont, and Rhode Island, with wonderful success....Some of those towns where we have formed societies are now sending out their delegates. The whole country is now alive to the subject...It is acknowledged on all sides that no people like ours - although unlearned - could create such a wonderful interest in the all absorbing cause....

There is no doubt that about 50,000 persons have signed the pledge in the different towns that our delegates have visited. Where societies were already formed, a more lively interest was created, - new signers obtained from those who had been inebriates, and thus a new energy imparted...Where societies had not before existed, new societies were formed...(8).

Ten months later, in May 1842, the Boston society had 13,000 members, had sent 260 delegations to 350 towns in New England, and had produced a number of converts who had become effective missionaries outside of New England. Benjamin Goodhue, in December 1841, stirred up great interest in Sag Harbour and the east end of Long Island. A Mr. Cady, during this winter, toured North Carolina, securing 10,000 signatures. In February 1842 Joseph J. Johnson and an unnamed fellow Bostonian conducted successful campaigns in Mobile and New Orleans.

By May 1842 the movement had penetrated every major area of the country and was going particularly strong in central New York and New England. The most vigorous urban centres were Baltimore, New York, Boston, Philadelphia, Pittsburgh, Washington, Cincinnati and St. Louis. The city of Baltimore had 15 societies and 7,842 members. New York and vicinity had 23 societies and 16,000 members. In the Journal of the American Temperance Union, on April 1, 1842, John Marsh wrote enthusiastically of the New York activity: "We suppose there are not less than fifty meetings held weekly and most of them are perfect jams. Our accessions are numerous and often of the most hopeless characters"(9). In and around Philadelphia, where the societies took the name of Jefferson, some 20,000 members were enrolled. In the district of Columbia there were 4,297 members, and another 1,000 in Alexandria, Va. Later in the year Hawkins visited Washington and was successful in reactivating the old Congressional Temperance Society and putting it on a total abstinence basis. Congressman George N. Briggs, soon to be Governor of Massachusetts, became president of this reorganized society.

To the list of outstanding reformed men who became effective Washingtonian missionaries during this first year, there should be added the names of George Haydock, Hudson, N.Y.(8,000 signatures); Col. John Wallis, Philadelphia (7,000 signatures); Thomas M. Woodruff, New York City; Abel Bishop, New Haven, Conn.; and Joseph Hayes, Bath, Me.

During 1842 the most outstanding temperance orator of all was won to the cause. John B. Gough, a bookbinder, was reformed. When his platform ability was discovered, many Washingtonian societies sponsored his addresses. As his popularity grew he became a professional free-lance lecturer; and during the years 1843-47 travelled 6,840 miles, gaining 15,218 signatures to thepledge(11).

Another important development was the organization of women into the little known "Martha Washington" societies. The first such society was organized "in a church at the corner of Chrystie and Delancey Streets, New York, on May 12 of that year [1841], through the efforts of William A. Wisdom and John W. Oliver"(12). The constitution detailed the purpose:

Whereas, the use of all intoxicating drinks has caused, and is causing, incalculable evils to individuals and families, and has a tendency to prostrate all means adapted to the moral, social and eternal happiness of the whole human family; we, the undersigned ladies of New York, feeling ourselves especially called upon, not only to refrain from the use of all intoxicating drinks, but, by our influence and example, to induce others to do the same, do therefore form ourselves into an association(12).

These Martha Washington societies were organized in many places, functioning to some extent as auxiliaries of the Washingtonian societies, but also engaged in the actual rehabilitation of alcoholic women. In the annual Report of 1843, there is this reference"...the Martha Washington Societies, feeding the poor, clothing the naked, and reclaiming the intemperate of their own sex, have been maintained, in most places, with great spirit..."(7).

DURATION OF THE MOVEMENT

How long the Washingtonian movement continued in full force is a difficult question to answer. The most dramatic strides were made between the summers of 1841 and 1842, but apparently the peak of activity was reached in 1843. That year, Gough was touring New England, and Hawkins northern and western New York as well as sections of Vermont, New Hampshire and Maine. R.P. Taylor was doing effective work in Georgia. Late that autumn Hawkins campaigned in North Carolina and Georgia, stimulating great Washingtonian activity in that region. It was a year of high activity, with the major portion of the work carried on, as it was through most of the life of the movement, by numerous Washingtonians whose names are unrecorded.

On May 28,1844, in Boston, the Washingtonians were the sponsors of , and leading participants in, the largest temperance demonstration ever held, up to that time, with nearly 30,000 members of various temperance organizations participating. Governor George N. Briggs, William K. Mitchell and John B. Gough were the leading speakers.

In the fall of 1845 Hawkins began one of his most intensive campaigns, in Ohio, Indiana and Illinois, winding up in the spring of 1846 with very successful meetings in New Orleans and Mobile. During this 8-month period Hawkins not only spoke daily but also directed the work of many assistants and helped, as he always did, to organize societies to continue the work. In much of the territory covered by Hawkins on this campaign the Washingtonian movement was still at full tide in 1845 and 1846. This tends to corroborate the generalization of Wooley and Johnson that "for four years it continued to sweep the country." But in some of the cities which had been reached by the movement in 1841, a decline had already set in.

In New York City the Sons of Temperance, a total abstinence order which had been founded with the help and blessing of Washingtonians, had begun, late in 1842, to receive into its membership many Washingtonians. Slowly but increasingly it displaced the function of the Washington societies.

In Cincinnati, in January 1845, Lyman Beecher wrote to John Marsh about the "resurgence of the liquor tide" and of the need for a new type of temperance appeal. He thought that "though the Washingtonians have endured and worked well, their thunder is worn out"(13).

Fehlandt (4) states that "By 1843...interest began to wane, and soon Washingtonianism had spent its force." It might be correct to say that the first signs of waning interest appeared in 1843 but it is not probable that such signs were detectable in most areas before 1844 - and in some areas not until latter. Hence, no generalization seems to apply to the entire country.

Most significant as an index of general interest are the references to the Washingtonian movement in the annual Reports of the executive committee of the American Temperance Union, published in May of each year. The 1842 Report enthusiastically details the spread of the movement. The 1843 Report reflects continued enthusiasm. The 1844 Report notes that the movement "has continued through its fourth year with as much interest as could be expected." The 1845 Report contains news of the crowded weekly meetings and increased success of the Hartford, Conn., Washington Temperance Society, but there is also expressed the feeling of John Marsh that the movement "has in a considerable measure spent its force." In the 1846 Report the movement is referred to as "once so deeply enlisting the sympathies." In the 1847 Report it is admitted that "The reformation of drunkards has not, as in former years, formed a prominent part of the year now past." The 1848 Report contains no mention of the Washingtonian movement at all.

Hawkins, Gough and others were called Washingtonians to the end of their lives, but there is no record, to the writer's knowledge, of organized Washingtonian activity beyond 1847 except in the Boston area.3 There in March 1847, the Washingtonians of New

England held a large convention. In January 1848 the Boston Washington Society reported having 56,380 signatures since the date of its founding in 1841. According to Harrison (8), writing in 1860, the Boston society continued to exist and meet weekly up to 1860, at which time 70,000 signatures were claimed. In 1858 the Home for the Fallen, using Washingtonian principles in the rehabilitation of alcoholics, was in existence in Boston.₄ But in other parts of the country, by 1858, there were to be found references to "the early days" when Washingtonianism swept the country.

3 The writer has since learned of the existence of the Washingtonian Home in Chicago, founded in 1863 by members of the Order of Good Templars who may well have been Washingtonians. This institution is still engaged exclusively in the rehabilitation of alcoholics.

4 This institution has been in continuous existence to the present time, having undergone a number of changes in name and in policy. It is now known as the Washington Hospital and engages in the treatment of alcoholism by contemporary medical and social techniques.

NUMERICAL SUCCESS

How many persons became members of the Washingtonian societies? There is no satisfactory answer to this question. The statistics that are available are varied, contradictory and, hence, unreliable; furthermore, they are given on two different bases - the number who signed the total abstinence pledge, and the number of drunkards reclaimed. Neither of these coincides with the membership of Washingtonian societies.

Several sources(12,14) repeat the American Temperance Union estimate (7) that by 1843, 5,000,000 had signed the total abstinence pledge and were associated with over 10,000 local societies. Since only 350,000 such signers had been claimed in 1839 (15), this would mean a gain of over 4,500,000 as a result of the Washingtonian "pledge-signing revival." This would represent nearly one-fourth of the total U.S. population aged 15 years and over. When it is considered, as E.M. Jellinek has estimated, that for the population aged 15 years and older the per capita consumption of distilled spirits decreased by only 14.3 per cent (form 4.9 gallons) between 1840 and 1850, some doubt is thrown upon the validity of this estimate. Marsh himself, in 1848, revised his estimate of total abstainers downward to 4,000,000 (7). Even this number points to the probability that a large percentage of the pledge signers were under the age of 15.

Furthermore, since the signers belonged to all kinds of temperance societies, it is impossible to estimate what percentage, or how many, were enrolled in Washingtonian societies.

In attempting to estimate the number of alcoholics reclaimed by the Washingtonian movement, more difficulties are encountered. The major one is the fact that all the societies had mixed memberships - former teetotallers (often children), moderate drinkers, excessive drinkers, and confirmed alcoholics. Nevertheless, estimates have been made and the claims vary from 100,000 (12) to 600,000. The latter figure, often repeated, seems to be based on the 1843 Report (7) of the American Temperance Union, in which it stated that: "A half-million hard drinkers often drunken, and a hundred thousand sots...may safely be considered as having been brought to sign the total abstinence pledge within the last two years." Wooley and Johnson (12) state: "It is commonly computed that at least one hundred thousand common drunkards were reclaimed in the crusade and at least three times as many common tipplers became total abstainers." This seems to be based on Eddy (14), who in turn seems to be quoting an American Temperance Union estimate that, by the summer of 1842, "the reformation had included at least 100,000 common drunkards, and three times that number of tipplers who were in a fair way to become sots."

One chief difficulty resides in the employment of an undefined terminology, including "hard drinkers often drunken;" "confirmed drinkers;" "drunkard;" "common drunkard;" "conformed drunkard;" "inebriate;" "sot;" "tippler;" "common tippler;" and "tipplers in a fair way to become sots." What do these terms mean and how were they distinguished from each other?

Ignoring the loose use of these terms, for the moment, and turning to the percentage of reclaimed inebriates in Washingtoniansocieties, a great variety of claims is to be noted. Eight months after its beginning the Baltimore society claimed that two-thirds of their 300 members were reclaimed drunkards(9). At the close of 1841 it was claimed that 100,000 pledges had been taken as a result of Washingtonian activity, "more than one-third by confirmed drinkers"(16). But in the statistics offered by the same source, and for the same period of time, by the vigorous Cincinnati Washington society, only 900 (11.3 per cent) of the 8,000 members were said to have been reformed drunkards. A Battleboro, Vt., report stated: "We have 150 members already in our Washington Society, six or seven hard cases." This comes to four or five per cent. Of the 42,273 pledged members in 82 Vermont towns cited in the 1844 Report, only 518 (1.2 per cent) were reformed drunkards probably varied greatly from community to community - and probably varied at different times even in the same society.

Since the American Temperance Union records are the chief source of information for later historians, some weight may be given to John Marsh's later estimate (13) that 150,000 drunkards were permanently rescued as a result of Washingtonian activity. But when his 1843 estimate of "A half million hard drinkers often drunken, and a hundred thousand sots" is recalled, it is impossible not to be suspicious of his estimates - and particularly of his use of terms. The number may well have been less than 150,000, and it may well have included everything from "confirmed drinkers," to "hard drinkers often drunken" to "common drunkards" to "sots." What are the numbers of true alcoholics was, is anyone's guess.

But if there is uncertainty concerning the number of alcoholics temporarily helped or permanently rehabilitated - or the number of persons who became total abstainers - there is no question that the movement made a tremendous impact.

Its results, furthermore, were not short-lived. Within the temperance there was not only a decided gain of strength but also the opening of "the way for more advanced thought and effort...(14)." As for the problem of alcoholism, some permanent though limited gain resulted. Dr. T.D. Crothers, a leading psychiatrist of his time, wrote in 1911:

The Washingtonian movement...was a great clearing house movement, breaking up old theories and giving new ideas of the nature and character of inebriety. It was literally a sudden and intense projection of the ideas of the moral side of inebriety, into public thought, and while it reacted when the reform wave died out, it served to mobilize and concentrate public attention upon the question, of how far the inebriate could control his malady, and what efforts were needed to enable him to live temperately. This first practical effort to settle these questions was the beginning of the organization of lodging houses for the members of the societies who had failed to carry out the pledges which they had made. This was really the beginning of the hospital system of cure, and was the first means used to give practical help to the inebriate, in a proper home, with protection, until he was able to go out, with a degree of health and hope of restoration (17).

ORGANIZATION AND PROCEDURE

As has been indicated, the Washingtonian movement took organized form in the thousands of local total abstinence societies which, almost without exception, had a mixed membership of former teetotallers and moderate drinkers as well as inebriates of various degrees. This was the pattern set by the original Baltimore society. A large percentage of these societies, presumably, were new societies carrying the Washington name. Many were old societies, reorganized and renamed. But often the work was carried on in societies already in existence, without any change in name. Hawkins, it will be recalled, became the paid secretary of the Massachusetts Temperance Society. Nevertheless, he was active in the Boston Washington society. There seemed, at the time, to be no organizational rivalry, and that must have been true in many communities throughout the years of the movement. In Alabama, Sellers (18) states, "This organization [Washingtonian] was never an independent unit, but was attached to temperance societies already existing."

On the other hand, rivalry and mutual resentment between the "old" and the "new" societies did develop in many communities. Even in Boston, in the demonstration in which so many societies of all types participated in May 1844, the old Massachusetts Temperance Society and the old Massachusetts Temperance Union did not take part (1). Krout summarizes the difficulties that developed between the Washingtonians and the older societies in many communities:

Under the compulsion of popular demand many of the old societies had employed Washingtonian speakers to revive a waning interest, but they had been disappointed that the new pledge-signers could seldom be persuaded to join existing organizations. Wherever Washingtonian workers conducted campaigns, it was necessary either to form a new society officered by reform men, or to convert the old group into a Washingtonian abstinence society. To some who had laboured long in temperance work...it appeared...that the Washingtonians had no interest in the triumphs of the struggle prior to 1840. The younger movement seemed to be unwilling to learn anything from the older. Its membership scoffed at the methods and principles formerly held in esteem...The old leaders were being set aside. Any Tom, Dick or Harry could direct the course of the reform. Washingtonian "Heralds," "Standards" and "Advocates" were springing up everywhere, and then expiring from lack of funds. Their existence was too often marked by unpleasant controversies with other temperance periodicals. The Washingtonians, on the other hand, charged that the older societies refused to co-operate with them...(1).

Further evidence of this distrust and cleavage, as well as of the differences in organization, was given in the Washingtonian Pocket Companion (19), published in Utica, N.Y., in 1842:

Some societies make uniting with them, a virtual renunciation of all membership with any other temperance societies...This is because the principles of the old, and of our societies, differ so widely - and also to prevent the old societies from subverting ours...

Some societies take none but those who have lately made, sold, or used intoxicating liquors - others receive all except children under a certain age - others receive even children with the consent of their parents or guardians.

Some societies omit that part of the pledge which relates to the "Making and selling, directly or indirectly," and pledge to total abstinence from using, only. They think it a benefit to bring the maker and vender into the society first, and then induce them to give up their business.

In some cases, the female members of our societies act as a Benevolent Society, within, or in co-operation and fellowship with us. In others, the ladies form separate and distinct societies. Their names are numerous...(19).

Even though no uniformity of organization or procedure prevailed, yet a minimum of common pattern ran throughout the movement. This might be said to be (A) the reclamation of inebriates by "reformed drunkards" - employing the "principle of love" and the total abstinence pledge; and (B) having reformed drunkards telling their experiences for the dual purpose of reaching the drunkard and winning others to the total abstinence pledge.

The Baltimore pattern, very effectively reproduced in Boston under the guidance of Hawkins, seemed to have been the ideal pattern which the majority of Washingtonian groups approximated in varying degrees. Since records of the Boston operations have been preserved, the organization and procedure of that society will be given in some detail.

The aggressive missionary work of carrying Washingtonianism into 160 New England towns during the first 3 months of the Boston society's existence has been noted. Of even greater interest are the details of the work with alcoholics, during this same period, as related by Samuel F. Holbrook, the first president of the society:

The Washington Total Abstinence Society was organized on the 25th of April, 1841. On the evening of its formation the officers elected were a president, two vice-presidents, a corresponding secretary, and a treasurer; after which there were chosen twenty-four gentlemen to serve as ward committee, whose duty it was to pick up inebriates, induce them to sign the pledge of total abstinence, and forsake all places where intoxicating drink was to be had, and also to visit the families of the reformed and administer to their wants.

It now became necessary to have a place exclusively our own, where we could bring the unfortunate victim of intemperance, nurse him, and converse with him, and obtain his signature to the pledge;...[We] were led to Marlboro Chapel. We obtained Hall No. 1 for a business and occasional lecture room, and the chapel for a public meeting once a week. Hall No. 1 was furnished with newspapers from various towns, as well as nearly all the publications of our own city. A table prepared, and the seats were arranged in the form of a reading room; a fountain of cold water and a desk containing the pledge occupied another part of the room.

Our pledge, for the first week, had two hundred and eighteen names; and then, as if by magic, the work commenced. And I think it is doubtful if in the annals of history there is any record of a work of such a nature and progressing with so much silence, and yet so sure in its advance. Surely it is the work of the omnipotent God...

The gentlemen acting as ward committees were filled with unexampled zeal and perseverance in the performance of their duties; leaving their own business in order to hunt up the drunkard;...So attentive were they to this voluntary duty that in a fortnight we had four hundred names on our pledge; families in all directions were assisted, children sent to school decently clad, employment obtained for the husband, the countenance of the wife assumed a cheerful and pleasing aspect; landlords grew easy, and in fact everything relating to the circumstances of the reformed inebriate had undergone a complete change for the better...

The reeling drunkard is met in the street, or drawn out from some old filthy shed, taken by the arm, spoken kindly to, invited to the hall, and with reluctance dragged there, or carried in a carriage if not too filthy; and there he sees himself surrounded by friends, and not what he most feared - police officers; everyone takes him by the hand; he begins to come to and when sober sign the pledge, and goes away a reformed man. And it does not end there. The man takes a pledge, and from his bottle companions obtains a number of signers, who likewise become sober men. Positively, these are facts. Now, can any human agency alone do this? All will answer No; for we have invariably the testimony of vast numbers of reformed men, who have spoken in public and declared they have broken off a number of times, but have as often relapsed again: and the reason they give for doing this is that they rely wholly on the strength of their resolution without looking any higher; but now they feel the need of God's assistance, which having obtained, their reform is genuine...(8).

Holbrook also made some interesting comparisons with the attitudes and methods of the older temperance societies:

...As for reclaiming the drunkard, that was entirely out of the question; they must and will die shortly, and now our business is to take care of the rising generation. And when the hard working women complained of her drunken husband, the reply was, and from all feeling of good, to, O send him to the house of correction, or poor house, immediately, and then we will do what we can for you and your children. Now the great difficulty was that our temperance friends were, generally, men in higher circles of life, who would revolt at the idea of taking a drunkard by the arm in the street and walk with him to some place where he could be made sober and receive friendly advice. If the drunken man was noticed at all, he was taken aside from under the horses' feet, and perhaps put into some house and there left...But the method of reclaiming the apparently lost inebriate, such as the Washington Total Abstinence Society has adopted, never entered their heads; it was not thought of until our society was formed. Then some twenty or thirty drunkards came forward and signed the total abstinence pledge and related their experience, and this induced others to do the same; and then the work of reform commenced in good earnest(8).

The "Auditor's Report" contains additional information on the activities of the Boston society during its first 3 months. After reporting the receipt of $2,537.10, one barrel of pork, four hams, and a considerable quantity of second-hand clothing, he referred to the system they had adopted "of boarding out single persons and assisting the inebriate and his family who had homes."

In addition to not less than one hundred and fifty persons boarded out [in "three good boarding-houses, kept by discreet members of the society"], two hundred and fifty families have been more or less benefited. Families the most wretched have been made comfortable; by our exertions many families that were scattered have been reunited; fathers, sons, and brothers have been taken from the houses of correction and industry, from the dram shops, and from the lowest places of degradation, restored and brought back again under the same roof, made happy, industrious, and temperate...Our society at present numbers about 4,000 members...[about] one third...heads of families...(8).

Harrisson rounds out the first 2 years' history of the Boston society:

For the space of two years after its organization the meetings of the society were held in Marlboro' Chappel, while the lodging rooms connected therewith were located in Graphic Court, opposite Franklin Street. From there they removed to No. 75 Court Street...They also fitted up rooms under their hall for the temporary accommodations of reformed, or rather, reforming men. They soon again removed to rooms which they procured and fitted up in Broomfield Street...

During the first two years of its existence the officers and members of the society held weekly meetings in six different localities in the city of Boston, namely: in North Bennett Street, Milton Street, Washington Place, East Street, Common Street, and Hull Street...(8).

Another glimpse of the activities of this society, 4 years after its founding, is provided in a memorial petition presented to the State Legislature in 1845:

....From the period of its formation to the present time, it has sustained a commodious hall for holding public meetings...Large numbers of persons, in various stages of intoxication and destitution, who have been found in the streets and elsewhere, have been led to the Washingtonian Hall, where they have been kindly received, and their necessary wants supplied. The amount of service which has been rendered within the last four years, by this society, cannot be readily appreciated. A multitude of men who, by intemperance, had been shut out from the friendly regard of the world, found in the hall of the Washingtonians, for the time being, a comfortable asylum; and these men departed thence to resume their position as useful citizens. About 750 such persons have found a temporary home at Washingtonian Hall, during the year just closed, nearly all of whom, it is believed, are now temperate and industrious members of society(8).

As already noted, this society reported having received 56,380 members up to January 1848. According to Harrisson, the central meetings were held each week uninterrupted at least to 1860. Whether an "Asylum" for inebriates was maintained during the intervening years, the writer cannot ascertain. But in 1858 a "home for the Fallen," representing perhaps a renewal of activities, was being maintained on Franklin Place. It was moved to 36 Charles Street in 1860 and renamed the "Washington Home." Conducted by a separate "executive committee," it nevertheless was operating on Washingtonian principles.

So much for the Boston society. Apparently Hawkins and his associates had laid a more sound foundation than was achieved in many communities.

As for organization and procedures elsewhere, perhaps the best clues are given in the 1842 Washingtonian Pocket Companion (19), "Containing a Choice Collection of Temperance Hymns, Songs, Etc.," - containing also the following directions "For Commencing, Organizing, and Conducting the Meetings, of a Washingtonian Total Abstinence Society."

I. The Commencement.- Wherever there are a sufficient number of drinkers, to get up what is commonly called "a spree," there are enough to form a Society. It only needs one or more individuals, (If an inebriate, or moderate drinker, but resolved to reform, all the better,) to go to those persons, and to others who make, sell or use intoxicating drinks and explain to them the principles and measures of this great reform, and persuade them to agree to take the pledge at a meeting to be held at some convenient time and place mutually agreed on. In all these efforts, the utmost gentleness, and kindness, and patient perseverance, and warm persuasion, should be used. At the meetings, appoint a Chairman and a Secretary - if reformed inebriates, all the better. After singing a hymn or song, let the Chairman, or other person, open the meeting by stating its objectives - relating his experience in drinking, his past feelings, sufferings, the woe of his family and friends, the motives and reasons that induce him to take the present step, and appeal warmly and kindly to his companions, friends and neighbours to aid him in it by doing likewise. The Secretary, or other person may follow with a like experience...Other persons can be called on to speak, until it is time to get signers to the pledge. Having read the pledge...invite all who wish to join to rise up, (or come forward,) and call out their names that the Secretary may take them down. Publicity and freedom are preferable to private solicitations, whisperings, and secrecy in giving the names...Then let the Chairman or other person, first pledge himself, and then administer it to the rest.

After this, a hymn or song may be sung, and remarks and appeals be made, and other names be obtained. After all have been obtained to take the pledge, let them again rise up, and let the Chairman, or Secretary, or other person, give them THE CHARGE - a solemn address on the nature and importance of the obligations they have assumed and on the best mode of faithfully discharging them. Then let a committee be appointed to draft a Constitution to be presented at the next meeting.

II. THE ORGANIZATION. - At the next meeting, after singing, let the Constitution be reported, and amended, if necessary, until it suits those who have taken the pledge at and since the last meeting. Then adopt it. It should contain the following, among the needed provisions. Preamble - A simple statement of the prominent evils of intemperance, and of the resolution of the signers to aid in extirpating their root. Some prefer a Parody on our National Declaration of Independence for this purpose. Article 1 - The name of the Society, always using the distinctive title, "Washingtonian," in that name. Article 2 - Declaring that love, Kindness and moral suasion are your only principles and measures, and disavowing denunciation, abuse, and harshness. Article 3 - Forbid the introduction of sectarian sentiments or party politics into any lecture, speeches, singing, or doings of the society. Article 4 - Providing for offices, committees, and their election. Articles 5,6, and 7 - Duties of officers and committees. (One of these should be a committee to relieve the poor, sick and afflicted members and families of inebriates.) Article 8 - Provide for by-laws, and alterations of the Constitution. Article 9 - Provide for labours with those who violate their pledges, and the withdrawal of members...

III. HOW to CONDUCT the MEETINGS. - After the meeting has come to order, always open with a hymn or song. Transact the business of the society with the utmost order and dispatch....Then call for speakers. Let there be as many "experiences" as possible, interspersed with brief arguments, appeals, exhortations, news of the progress of the cause, temperance anecdotes, &c. Consult brevity, so as to have as many of the brethren speak, as possible - the more the better....And always be sure to call for persons to take the pledge, when the audience feel in the right spirit. While the pledges are being filled up for delivery, pour out the warmest appeals, or sing the most interesting hymns or songs. If any member or other person violates the rules or order, or transgresses the principles and measures of the society, remind him of it in good humour, gently and kindly...KINDNESS must be the very atmosphere of your meetings, and LOVE the fuel of all your zeal, and PERSUASION the force of all your speaking, if you would have your society do the most good...(19).

Even more revealing is the definition, contained in the same Pocket Companion, of the principles of the Washingtonian movement in terms of its differences from the older societies.

I. All the former Societies directed their efforts mainly, if not wholly to the prevention of intemperance.

"Washingtonianism," while it embraces all classes, sexes, ages and conditions of society in its efforts, makes special efforts to snatch the poor inebriate from his destructive habits - aims to cure as well as prevent intemperance. It considers the drunkard as a man - our brother - capable of being touched by kindness, of appreciating our love, and benefiting by our labours. We therefore, stoop down to him in his fallen condition and kindly raise him up, and whisper hope and encouragement into his ear, and aid him to aid himself back again to health, peace, usefulness, respectability and prosperity. By the agency of SISTERS in this labour, we endeavour to secure the co-operation of his family in our effort...

II. Other societies, generally were auxiliary to a Country - that to a State - and that to a National Society...

"Washingtonianism"...[makes] each society independent...

III. Before the Washingtonian Reform, not only the poor drunkard, but many of nearly every other class in society supposed to be in the way of the [temperance] cause, were denounced as enemies - held up to public indignation and reprobation, threatened with the withdrawal of votes, pecuniary support, or public countenance;...

"Washingtonianism" teaches us to avoid this course...We believe with the American Prison Discipline Society, that "there is a chord, even in the most corrupt heart, that vibrates to kindness, and a sense of justice, which knows when it has been rightly dealt with." We have tried kindness with the poor inebriate of many years continuance - we have found it powerful to overcome the induration of heart caused by eight years of the world's contempt...Hence we adopt the law of kindness - the godlike principle, "Be not overcome of evil, but overcome evil with good," in our labours to win the maker, seller and user of intoxicating liquors; and we disavow all compulsions, threats, denunciations, hard names,...or malice or ill-will toward them...In short, "Moral suasion, not force - love not hate, are the moving springs in the Washingtonian Creed" (19).

The hymns and songs contained in this Pocket Companion are likewise revealing. Most of them are simply adapted Christian hymns and temperance songs, appealing basically to religious and patriotic sentiments. In the preface it is frankly stated that only such hymns and songs have been included which introduce no "sectarianism, party politics, denunciation or harshness," or which contain no "phrases and sentiments which all Christians could not conscientiously sing." The central emphasis is probably contained in the following hymn on the "Power of Love."

Love is the strongest tie Love softens all our toil,
That can our hearts unite; And makes our labours blest;
Love brings to life and liberty It lights again the joyful smile,
The drunkard chained in night And gives the anguished rest.

Obeying its commands, Let love forever grow,
We quickly supply each need; Intemp'rance drive afar,
With feeling hearts and tender hands A heaven begin on earth below
Bind up his wounds that bleed. And banish strife and war.

The principle of love and sympathy for the drunkard is, in countless references, considered to be the distinctively new feature introduced by the Washingtonians - and their central principle. John B. Gough attributed the success of the movement to "the true spirit of Washingtonian sympathy, kindness and charity...predominant in the bosom of this great Washingtonian Fraternity"(11).

Walter Channing, Unitarian Clergyman, in underscoring this principle, also calls attention to the other distinctive feature of the Washingtonian movement - the role played by the "reformed drunkards" themselves:

It was wholly new, both in its principles and its agents. It laid aside law and punishment, and made love, the new commandment, its own. It dared to look upon moral power as sufficient for the work of human regeneration - the living moral power in the drunkard, however degraded he might be. It had faith in man...[and so] the drunkard became a moral teacher... he rose from the lowest depths of degradation, and became an apostle of the highest sentiment in his nature; viz., the love of man, the acknowledgment of the inborn dignity of man (9).

THE CAUSES OF DECLINE

The materials presented above would scarcely give the impression that the major cause of the decline of the Washingtonian movement was its lack, and opposition to, religion. Yet that charge gained currency and has been perpetuated in later temperance writings. For example, Daniels, in 1877, wrote that "...this effort to divorce temperance from religion was the chief weakness of the Washingtonian movement(20)."

Actually, the charge seems to be based upon the generalization and misinterpretation of certain real difficulties that did develop, in places, between the Washingtonians and the churches - and upon the views of a few extremists. A major source of information about the Washingtonian movement available to later historians were the publications of the American Temperance Movement, edited by John Marsh. In 1842 Marsh did become concerned about the attitudes of some of the Washingtonians: "A lack of readiness on their part to acknowledge their dependence on God, no small desecration of the Sabbath, and a painful unwillingness, in not a few professed Christians, to connect the temperance cause...with religion(13)."

It must be recalled that Marsh was the earliest and most ardent promoter of the Washington movement. He had a genuine interest in the reformation of drunkards, but his greatest interest was the promotion of the temperance cause. Above all, Marsh wanted to establish the identification of temperance with religion and to obtain the support of all church members. When the behaviour of some of the Washingtonians threatened to antagonize some of the church people against the temperance cause, Marsh did his best in his writings to counteract the threatening trends in the Washingtonian movement. Later historians seemed to overlook the fact that Marsh was addressing himself to minority manifestations - and that Marsh succeeded to a considerable extent in countering these trends.

When, in the summer of 1844, Marsh sponsored and accompanied John B. Gough on a tour through New York State, he was pleased with the fact that Gough was able to speak in many churches - "even upperclass churches." On this improved rapport with the churches, Marsh commented:

The open infidelity, and radicalism, and abuse of ministers, by some reform-speakers had kindled up in many minds an opposition to all temperance effort, especially on the Sabbath; but Mr. Gough took such decided ground on religion, as the basis of all temperance, and the great security and hope of the reformed, as entirely reconciled them, not only to the meetings, but to his occupying the pulpit on the Sabbath (13).

The causes and coolness and even hostility between some of the Washingtonians and some of the churches lay on both sides. For one thing, many Washingtonians felt that their movement represented a purer form of Christianity than was to be found in the churches. In fact, their chief criticism of churches was on this score and did not stem out of antireligious beliefs. They felt that they were living the principles which the churches talked about. This was expressed, for example, in the following hymn stanza:

When Jesus, our Redeemer, came
To teach us in his Father's name,
In every act, in every thought
He lived the precepts which he taught (19).

Washingtonians, furthermore, we often critical of the unhealthy other - worldliness prevalent in many churches:

This world's not all a fleeting show,
For a man's illusion given;
He that hath sooth'd a drunkard's woe,
And led him to reform, doth know,
There's something here of heaven.

The Washingtonian that hath run
The path of kindness even;
Who's measr'd out life's little span,
In deeds of love to God and man,
On earth has tasted heaven (19).

A number of factors led some of the churches to close their doors to the Washingtonians. Class snobbishness was one of these - a fact which particularly riled the lower class Washingtonians in those communities. Dacus (21) points out that the vanity of some of the ministers may have led them to disdain the movement, since they were neither its originators nor its leaders. Dacus certainly is right that many of the ministers of that day held narrow views that made them unsympathetic to Washingtonian principles. The most striking example of this is the argument of the Rev. Hiram Mattison, Minister of the Methodist Episcopal Church of Watertown, N.Y. as stated in a tract published in 1844:

FIRST - No Christian is at liberty to select or adopt any general system, organization, agencies or means, for the moral reformation of mankind, except those prescribed and recognized by Jesus Christ. But,

SECONDLY - Christ has designated his Church as his chosen organization; his Ministers as his chosen ambassadors or public teachers; and his Gospel as the system of truth and motives by which to reform mankind, Nor has he prescribed any other means. Therefore,

THIRDLY - All voluntary organizations and societies, for the suppression of particular vices, and the promotion of particular virtues, being invented by a man without a divine model or command, and proceeding upon principles and employing agencies, means and motives nor recognized in the Gospel, are incompatible with the plan ordained of Heaven, and consequently superfluous, inexpedient and dangerous (14).

Mr. Mattison's views, however, were not shared by many of the clergymen; nor were the majority of the churches at odds with the Washingtonians. Almost all "General Conventions of the Protestant Churches endorsed and encouraged the movement (14)."

The writer agrees with Eddy (14) that, except for the attitudes of a few extremists, "Washingtonianism was not an irreligious movement." The reasons for its decline must lie elsewhere.

The lack of adequate organization is another frequently cited cause of the decline of the movement. As Krout points out, there was no connection between the various groups that carried on the work. "Each group was allowed to follow its own course....As a result, systematic organization was impossible; uniformity in methods was never attained; and chance largely determined the formulation of principles (1)."

The lack of organization was first felt, however, with regard to the needs of the newly reformed men for more social and economic support. This need was adequately met by the original Baltimore society. Certainly the Boston society was well organized to help the impoverished, to get them back on their feet, and to give them adequate social support, and this seems also to have been the case in Philadelphia and other places. But in some communities, notably in New York City, "It was felt that these men who had been so under the power of the drinking habit needed more care and fraternal fellowship than could be given by so formal a society as the Washingtonians (10)." This led to the founding, on a plan similar to that of the Rechabites in Great Britain, of the "Order of the Sons of Temperance." Actually this order was founded by a group of Washingtonians in New York City during the fall of 1842.

They had noticed that although the Washingtonian movement was making rapid advance in new fields, there were already many falling away from the pledge, and they desired if possible, to hit upon some new plan of operations, some more perfect organization, one that should shield the members from temptation, and more effectually elevate and guide them....(17).

It soon manifested an esprit du corps, which gathered into it a large portion of their reformed; inasmuch as, on paying a small weekly or quarterly due, they were sure of a useful remittance in case of sickness [$4.00 a week] or death [$30.00]. An impressive indication gave the order impressiveness, brotherhood, and attachment; and a regalia, a distinction from other temperance men. Soon divisions and grand divisions were found springing up in every quarter. Old temperance societies lost such of their members as were reformed men; and where there was a revival of temperance [where Washingtonianism took hold], young reformed converts were allured hither, often in large proportions....(13).

The order of Sons of Temperance grew rapidly. By 1850 it had 35 Grand Divisions, 5,563 Subordinate Divisions (local societies), and 232,233 members. Eventually it became international, with a peak membership of 700,000. A later scribe of the order said that it had been brought into existence "to preserve the fruits of the Washingtonian movement." But one of its functional results was the displacement of the Washingtonian societies.

This displacement of loyalties and membership was furthered by other orders. In 1845 the "Temple of Honor" was founded as a higher degree in the Order of the Sons of Temperance. Separating from its parent body in 1846, it soon spread over the United States and Canada, numbering "in its ranks thousands upon thousands of the best and most influential citizens...(8)." "The cadets of Temperance" was another order which sprang from the Sons of Temperance. Designed for youth, it also became independent. There was an order for children, the "Bands of Hope." In 1852 the largest fraternal temperance order of all, the "Independent Order of Good Templars," was founded, with a prominent Washingtonian, Nathaniel Curtis, as its first President. These orders, taking over most of the functions of the Washingtonian movement and incorporating much of the membership under another name, may be considered, from the sociological point of view, an institutional consolidation of Washingtonianism. But they also account, to a considerable extent, for the disappearance of the Washingtonian societies.

The chief causes of the decline of the Washingtonian movement are to be found, however, in its relation to the general temperance movement. Its membership, its purposes, and its ideology were inextricably mixed with the membership, purposes and ideology of the temperance movement.

Even the Baltimore society did not confine its membership to the reclaimed victims of alcoholism - nor did it lack an interest in the temperance movement. And, outside of Baltimore, these early "Washingtonian missionaries" were invariably sponsored by temperance organizations. When the power of the Washingtonian approach to reclaimed drunkards was demonstrated - and when it was shown that the reclaimed drunkards' experiences had the power to arouse great interest in the cause of total abstinence, the temperance leaders threw themselves behind the movement. Here was the answer to their prayers - something that would revitalize the temperance movement.

The American Temperance Union and its executive secretary, John Marsh, in introducing and promoting the Washingtonians, may indeed be given "much credit for the success of the Washingtonians (12)." But in the last analysis, Marsh and others looked upon Washingtonianism as a method, and Washingtonians as the means, for "sparking" the temperance cause. That was their chief function. And it appears that this eventually became the chief interest of Washingtonian leaders themselves. Hawkins kept up the original Washingtonian emphasis of work with alcoholics for a long time, but during the last dozen years of his life (1846-58) most of his interest was centred in the larger temperance cause. John B. Gough made a similar shift in emphasis.

Accordingly, then, when public interest in the distinctive Washingtonian technique of experience-relating began to wane, the interest of Marsh and other temperance leaders in Washingtonianism also declined. Lyman Beecher put it bluntly: "...their thunder is worn out. The novelty of the commonplace narrative is used up, and we cannot raise an interest..."(13). Marsh himself, from the perspective of later years, spoke of the Washingtonian period as a phase of the temperance movement, giving way to other methods.

Since Washingtonianism was identified with the relating of experiences by reformed men, the displacement of this method was, to that extent, a displacement of Washingtonianism itself.

Another fact which made temperance leaders lose interest in the Washingtonian movement was its identification with the "moral suasion" point of view.

The temperance movement, up to the emergence of Washingtonianism, was not characterized by advocacy of legal action to attain its ends. Some of the leaders, however, had begun to voice the desirability of such action; the issue was in the air. The success of the Washingtonian method of love and kindness in dealing with alcoholics convinced many Washingtonians and others that this was also the method to use with the makers and sellers of liquor. William K. Mitchell, leader of the Baltimore group but also influential throughout the country, was particularly insistent that Washingtonians

...should have nothing to say against the traffic or the men engaged in it. He would have no pledge even, against engaging in the manufacture or traffic in liquors; nor did he counsel reformed men to avoid liquor-sellers' society or places of business. He would even admit men to membership in his societies who were engaged in the traffic (14).

Many of the Baltimore missionaries must have felt the same way and must have advocated this idea wherever they went. Just as Washingtonian experience "proved" the soundness of total abstinence, so Washingtonian experience "proved" the validity of moral suasion. It was as simple as that, in the minds of many, and was so expressed in a resolution presented at the Massachusetts State Washingtonian Convention on May 26, 1842:

RESOLVED, That the unparalleled success of the Washingtonian movement in reforming the drunkard, and inducing the retailer to cease his unholy traffic, affords conclusive evidence that moral suasion is the only true and proper basis of action in the temperance cause....(9).

Even at that date, Hawkins and a few others objected and had the resolution modified on the grounds that moral suasion was an inadequate technique for the dealing with "unprincipled dealers," and that the aid of the law was necessary. Hawkins' view, however, was not shared by most Washingtonians. Marsh once referred to Hawkins thus: "Though a Washingtonian, he was a strong prohibitionist (13)." John B. Gough, because of his later advocacy of prohibitory legislation, was accused of not being a Washingtonian.

When the general temperance sentiment began to favour legal action, Washingtonian policy was dated and opposed. For a time, many temperance leaders hardly knew whether to regard the Washingtonians as friends or enemies. Senator Henry William Blair of New Hampshire, in 1888, referred back to this emphasis of the Washingtonians on moral suasion as "a trace of maudlin insanity," - because of which the temperance movement was left in a state worse than before, and as a consequence of which "we have ever since been combating the absurd theory, which is the favourite fortress of the liquor dealers, that evil is increased because it is prohibited by law (22)."

When the relating of experiences began to pall, and when moral suasion was no longer desired, there was nothing left to Washingtonia nism, ideologically, except the reclaiming of drunkards. This, however, became an increasingly secondary interest of those whose primary interest was the furtherance of the temperance cause - and, without the telling of experiences, without the work of alcoholics with alcoholics, and without certain other emotional by-products of Washingtonian groups and activities, this became an increasingly difficult thing to do. And, as fewer and fewer men were reclaimed, the last distinctive feature of the Washingtonian movement dropped out of sight.

A review of various accounts of the Washingtonian movement makes it clear that the movement turned into something which it did not start out to be - a revival phase of the organized temperance movement. There are frequent references to the movement as "a pledging revival," "a revival campaign," "a temperance revival." The net result was a tremendous strengthening of total abstinence sentiment and the actual enlistment of new millions in the temperance cause. But the original purpose of rehabilitating alcoholics was lost to sight. Nor would it be proper to blame the temperance movement for exploiting the Washingtonians. As E.M. Jellinek₅ has pointed out, the Washingtonian movement was not equipped with an ideology distinctive enough to prevent its dissolution.5 Personal communication.

With this background, it becomes possible to make a comparison between the Washingtonian movement and Alcoholics Anonymous.

COMPARISON WITH ALCOHOLICS ANONYMOUS

It is apparent that the Washingtonian societies, when they were most effective in the rehabilitation of alcoholics, had a great many similarities to Alcoholics Anonymous. These similarities might be listed as follows:

1. Alcoholics helping each other.

2. The needs and interests of alcoholics kept central, despite
mixed membership, by predominance of numbers, control,
or the enthusiasm of the movement.

3. Weekly meetings.

4. The sharing of experiences.

5. The fellowship of the group or its members constantly available.

6. A reliance upon the power of God.

7. Total abstinence from alcohol.

Most Washingtonian groups probably failed to meet this ideal program, or to maintain it for long. Even in itemizing the ideal program, some of the differences between the Washingtonian groups and Alcoholics Anonymous stand out. The admission of nonalcoholics as members and the incorporation of the "temperance" purpose - the inducement of total abstinence in nonalcoholics - are the most striking differences. Furthermore, at their best, the Washingtonian groups possessed no understanding of alcoholism other than the possibility of recovery through love and sympathy. Their approach to the problem of alcoholism and alcohol was moralistic rather than psychological or therapeutic. They possessed no program for personality change. The group had no resource of ideas to help them rise above the ideational content locally possessed. Except for their program of mutual aid they had no pattern of organization or activity different from existing patterns. There was far too great a reliance upon the pledge, and not enough appreciation of other elements in their program. Work with other alcoholics was not required, nor was the therapeutic value of this work explicitly recognized. There was no anonymity to keep the public from becoming aware of broken pledges, or to keep individuals from exploiting the movement for prestige and fame. Finally, there was not enough understanding of their own therapeutic program to formulate it and thus help the new groups to establish themselves on a sound and somewhat uniform basis.

The differences can be brought out more clearly by a more detailed, comparative analysis of the Alcoholics Anonymous program - its principles, practices and content.

1. Exclusively alcoholic membership.- There are many therapeutic values in the cohesiveness and solidarity which a group with a common problem can achieve. But in the light of the Washingtonian experience, the greatest long-run value of an exclusively alcoholic membership is that it permits and reinforces exclusive attention to the rehabilitation of alcoholics.

2. Singleness of purpose.- As stated in the masthead of an organizational publication (23), Alcoholics Anonymous "is not allied with any sect, denomination, politics, organization or institution; does not wish to engage in any controversy, neither endorses nor opposes any causes. Our primary purpose is to stay sober and help other alcoholics to achieve sobriety."

Nothing can divide groups more quickly - and certainly destroy the therapeutic atmosphere effectively - than religious and political controversy. Strong efforts were made in the Washingtonian movement to minimize sectarian, theological and political differences, but the movement did not avoid attracting to itself the hostile emotions generated by these conflicts. Even if it had been more successful in this regard, it was still caught in all the controversy to which the temperance cause had become liable. Not only that, but within the temperance movement itself it eventually became stranded on the issue of moral suasion versus legal action.

In the light of this experience, the position of Alcoholics Anonymous stands in decided and hopeful contrast. In refusing to endorse or oppose causes, and particularly the temperance cause, A.A. is avoiding the greatest handicap which the Washingtonian movement had. Some temperance leaders may deplore that A.A. does not give them support, but they have no grounds for complaining that they are being opposed or hampered by A.A.

The A.A. program also contains a happy formula for avoiding the religious or theological controversies which could easily develop even within the groups as presently constituted. This is the use of the term "Power" (greater or higher), and particularly the phrase "as we understood Him," in referring to this Power, or God. The tolerance which this phrase has supported is an invaluable asset.

A further value of this single-minded concentration on the rehabilitation of alcoholics is made obvious by the Washingtonian experience. Whenever, and as long as, the Washingtonians were working hard at the reclamation of drunkards, they had notable success and the movement thrived and grew. This would support the idea that active outreach to other alcoholics is a factor in therapeutic success and, at the same time, a necessary condition for growth - and even for survival. Entirely aside from the matter of controversy, then, this singleness of A.A. purpose is a condition of continued therapeutic success and survival.

3. An adequate, clear-cut program of recovery.- Another great asset of Alcoholics Anonymous is the ideology which forms the content and context of its program of recovery, and which has received clear and attractive expression in the book Alcoholics Anonymous (24) and in other A.A. literature.This ideology incorporates the much sounder understanding of alcoholism which has been developed in recent years. It is a pragmatic blend of that which scientific research, dynamic psychology and mature religion have to offer; and through the literature of the movement, the members are kept sympathetically oriented to the developments in these fields.

Accordingly, instead of viewing alcoholism with a moralistic eye on alcohol - as an evil which ought to be abandoned - A.A. sees alcoholism as an illness, symptomatic of a personality disorder. Its program is designed to get at the basic problem, that is, to bring about a change in personality.

This program is simply and clearly stated in the Twelve Steps - augmented by the "24 hour program" of abstaining from alcohol, and the supporting slogans and emphases such as "First things first," "Live and let live," "Easy does it," "Keep an open mind," honesty, humility, and so forth. Great stress is also put upon regular attendance at the group meetings, which are characterized by the informal exchange of experiences and ideas and by a genuinely satisfying fellowship.

Compared to the Washingtonian brand, the A.A. sharing of experiences is notably enriched by the psychological insights which have been brought into the group by A.A. literature and outside speakers. A thorough analysis and catharsis is specifically asked for in the Twelve Steps - as well as an improvement in relations to other persons. Work with other alcoholics is required, and the therapeutic value accruing to the sponsor of new members is distinctly recognized. The spiritual part of the program is more clearly and inclusively defined, more soundly based, and more frankly made an indispensable condition of recovery.

It appears, furthermore, that the A.A. group activity is more satisfactory to the alcoholic than was the case in many Washingtonian societies. A.A. members seem to find all the satisfaction and values in their groups that the founders of the various orders thought were lacking in the Washingtonian groups.

A decided Washingtonian weakness was its general lack of follow-through. In contrast, A.A. is particularly strong on this point, providing a potent follow-through in a group setting where self-analysis and catharsis are stimulated; where new attitudes toward alcohol, self and others are learned; where the feeling tones are modified through a new quality of relationships; where, in short, a new way of life is acquired - one which not only enables the person to interact with his environment (particularly with other persons) without the use of alcohol, but enables him to do so on a more mature, satisfying basis.

No doubt a similar change occurred in many (though probably not in most) of the alcoholic Washingtonians, but it was more by a coincidence, within and without the societies, of circumstances that were rarely understood and never formulated into a definite, repeatable program. A.A. is infinitely better equipped in this respect.

4. Anonymity.- A comparison with the Washingtonian experience underscores the sheer survival value of the principle of anonymity in Alcoholics Anonymous. At the height of his popularity, John B. Gough either "slipped" or was tricked by his enemies into a drunken relapse. At any rate, the opponents of the Washingtonian movement seized upon this lapse with glee and made the most of it to hurt Gough and the movement. This must have happened frequently to less widely known but nevertheless publicly known Washingtonians. Public confidence in the movement was impaired. Anonymity protects the reputation of A.A. from public criticism not only of "slips" but also of failures, internal tensions, and all deviant behaviour.

Equally important, anonymity keeps the groups from exploiting prominent names for the sake of group prestige; and it keeps individual members from exploiting their A.A. connection for personal prestige or fame. This encourages humility and the placing of principles above personalities. Such behaviour not only generates outside admiration of A.A. but has therapeutic value for the individual members. There are further therapeutic values in anonymity: it makes it easier for alcoholics to approach A.A., and it relaxes the new member. It encourages honest catharsis and utter frankness. It protects the new member from the critical eyes of certain acquaintances while he experiments with this new way of life, for fumbling and failure will be hidden.

5. Hazard-avoiding traditions.- Another decisive contrast to the Washingtonian movement is the development in Alcoholics Anonymous not only of a relatively uniform program of recovery but also of relatively uniform traditions for avoiding the usual hazards to which organizations are subject.

In Alcoholics Anonymous there is actually no overhead authority. Wherever two or three alcoholics get together to attain sobriety on the general basis of the Twelve Step program they may call themselves an A.A. group. They are free to conduct their activities as they see fit. As would be expected in a fellowship of independent groups, all kinds of practices and policies have been tried. A careful reading of the A.A. publication, A.A. Tradition (25), will reveal how great the variety has been, here and there. Membership has been limited. Conduct of groups has been undemocratic. Leaders have exploited the groups for personal prestige. The principle of anonymity has been violated. Personal and jurisdictional rivalries have developed. Money, property and organizational difficulties have disrupted A.A. groups. Members and groups, yielding to their own enthusiasms and reflecting the patterns of other institutions around them, have endangered the immediate and ultimate welfare of the A.A. fellowship. These deviations could have been serious had there not existed a considerable uniformity in practice and principle.

In the early days of A.A., the entire fellowship was bound together by a chain of personal relationships - all created on the basis of a common program, a common spirit and a common tradition. This spirit and this pragmatically achieved program and tradition were the only guiding principles, and relative uniformity was not difficult. Alcoholics Anonymous was just a fellowship - small, informal, poor and unpretentious. But with growth, prosperity and prestige, the difficulties of getting all groups and members to see the value of these guiding principles increased. A self-conscious statement and explanation was needed - and this finally emerged in 1947 and 1948 in the "Twelve Points of Tradition,"elaborated upon in editorials in The A.A. Grapevine (23) and subsequently published as a booklet (25).

In formulating and stating the reasons for these traditions, Bill W., one of the founders, has continued the extremely valuable function which he, Dr. Bob and other national leaders have performed - that of keeping intact the experienced based program and principles of A.A.

Perhaps as important as any other is the tradition of keeping authority in principles rather than letting it become vested in offices and personalities. This tradition is supported by the related principle of rotating leadership, and the concept that leaders are merely the trusted servants of the group or groups. The hazard-avoiding values of these traditions are obvious.

The tradition that membership be open to any alcoholic has value in countering the tendency toward exclusiveness, class-consciousness, cliquishness - and it helps to keep the groups focussed on their main job of helping the "alcoholic who still suffers."

The tradition of complete self-support of A.A. groups and activities by the voluntary contributions of A.A. members avoids the dangers inherent in fixed dues, assessments, public solicitations, and the like - and it is conducive to self-reliance and self-respect. Furthermore, in minimizing money it maximizes fellowship.

The tradition that "any considerable property of genuine use to A.A. should be separately incorporated and managed" is important in keeping the A.A. groups from becoming entangled in the problems of property beyond the minimum necessary for their own functioning. The tradition of "the least possible organization" has a similar value. These last three traditions might be summed up as precautions against the common tendency to forget that money, property and organization are only means - and that means find their rightful place only when the end is kept clearly in view. For A.A., these traditions should help to keep the groups concentrated on their prime purpose: helping alcoholics recover.

The existence of these traditions - and their clear formulation - are assets which the Washingtonian movement never possessed.

What prognosis for Alcoholics Anonymous is suggested by this comparison with the Washingtonian movement?

The least that can be said is that the short life of the Washingtonian movement simply has no parallel implications for A.A. Despite certain but limited similarities in origins, purpose and early activities, the differences are too great to draw the conclusion of a similar fate for A.A.

Are the differences, then, of such a nature as to assure a long life for Alcoholics Anonymous? This much can be said with assurance of consensus: (A) In the light of our present-day knowledge, A.A. has a sounder program of recovery than the Washingtonians achieved. (B) A.A. has avoided many of the organizational hazards which plagued the Washingtonian societies. The success and growth of A.A. during more than a decade of public life, its present vigour and its present unity underscore these statements and augur well for the future.

In the writer's judgment, based on a systematic study (26) of A.A., there is no inherent reason why A.A. should not enjoy an indefinitely continued existence. How long an existence will depend upon how well the leaders and members continue to follow the present program and principles - that is, how actively A.A. members will continue to reach out to other alcoholics; how thoroughly the remainder of the A.A. program will continue to be practiced, particularly the steps dealing with catharsis and the spiritual aspects; and, how closely all groups will be guided by the present traditions.

Finally, the writer would suggest that the value in the traditions lies chiefly in the avoidance of factors that can easily interfere with keeping the ideal therapeutic atmosphere found in the small A.A. groups at their best. Most of the personality change necessary for recovery from alcoholism occurs in these small groups - and that work is at its very best when there is a genuinely warm, nonegocentric fellowship. How well this quality of fellowship is maintained in the small, local groups is offered, therefore, as another condition determining how bright the future of A.A. will be.

Whatever the worth of these judgments, they point up the potential value to A.A. of careful, objective research on these and related conditions. This would give Alcoholics Anonymous another asset that the Washingtonians never had.

REFERENCES

1 Krout,J.A. The Origins of Prohibition. New York; Knopf, 1925.

2. Rush,Benjamin. An Inquiry Into the Effects of Ardent Spirits on the Human Body and Mind. [1785]

3. Beecher, Lyman. Six Sermons On the Nature, Occasion, Signs, Evils, and Remedy of Intemper- ance. New York. American Tract Society, 1827.

4. Fehlandt, A.F. A Century of Drink Reform in the United States. Cincinnati; Jennings and Graham; and New York, Eaton & Mains, 1904.

5. Permanent Temperance Documents of the American Temperance Society; Vol.1 Boston; Seth Bliss, 1835.

6. One Hundred Years of Temperance. A Memorial Volume of the Centennial Temperance Confer ence Held in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, September, 1885. New York; National Temperance Society & Publication House, 1886.

7. Annual Reports of the Executive Committee of the American Temperance Union, 1840-1849.

8. Harrison, D. A Voice from the Washingtonian Home. Boston; Redding & Co., 1860.

9. Hawkins, W.G. Life of John W. Hawkins. Boston, Dutton, 1863.

10. Banks, L.A. The Lincoln Legion. New York; Mershon Co., 1903.

11. Gough, J.B. Autobiography and Personal Recollections. Springfield, Mass.; Bill, Nichols & Co.,1869.

12. Wooley, J. G. and Johnson, W.E. Temperance Progress in the Century. London; Linscott Publish ing Co., 1903.

13. Marsh,J. Temperance Recollections. New York; Scribner, 1866.

14. Eddy,R. Alcohol and History. New York; National Temperance Society & Publication House, 1887.

15. Cherrington, E.H. The Evolution of Prohibition in the United States of America. Westerville, Ohio; American Issue Press, 1920.

16. Cyclopedia of Temperance and Prohibition. New York; Funk & Wagnalls, 1891.

17. Crothers, T.D. Inebriety. Cincinati; Harvey, 1911.

18. Sellers,J.B. The Prohibition Movement in Alabama, 1702-1943. Chapel Hill, Univ. North Carolina Press, 1943.

19. Grosh, A.B. ed. Washingtonian Pocket Companion. Utica, N.Y., S.S. Merrell; Bennett, Backus & Hawley; & G. Tracy, 1842.

20. Daniels, W.H. The Temperance Reform and Its Great Reformers. New York; Nelson & Phillips, 1878.

21. Dacus, J.A. Battling with the Demon. St. Louis; Scammel & Co., 1878.

22. Blair, H.W. The Temperance Movement. Boston; William E. Smythe Co., 1888.

23. The A.A. Grapevine. New York; A.A. Grapevine, Inc.

24. Alcoholics Anonymous. New York; Works Publishing Co., 1939.

25. A.A. Tradition. New York; Works Publishing Co., 1947.

26. Maxwell, M.A. Social Factors in the Alcoholics Anonymous Program. Doctoral Dissertation, University of Texas, 1949.

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